WEBVTT

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- Hello, everybody. I want to thank you all for coming out this afternoon. My name is Eve Corrigan, and

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- I work with BTOP. That's Bloomington Transportation Options for People. It's a lot easier to say in

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- its acronym. And we're a nonprofit group dedicated to creating better urban form, a more sustainable

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- culture, and enhanced quality of life to people in the Bloomington area by increasing use, funding,

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- and development of alternatives to auto transport. As part of this, we are presenting a 2007 Livable

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- Cities Speaker Series to raise awareness about how planning, transportation, and growth policies affect

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- our community and contribute or detract from its desirability as a place to live.

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- I would like to take a minute to thank our sponsors today for their generous contributions to support

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- this. They are Tabor Bruce Architecture and Design, Olympus Properties, and The Courtyard by Marriott.

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- If you appreciate what we're doing, please, when you have the opportunity, thank these businesses for

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- their support.

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- Our founder and president is Buff Brown. He is the one who finds all these wonderful speakers we feature.

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- And I'm going to take this time to turn the mic over to him so he can tell you more about today's presenter.

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- Thanks. It's a great turnout today.

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- This is the first speaker for the 2007 Livable Cities series. That's a name change from our urban planning

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- scholar series, but we believe that livable cities is really where we're trying to get. And we have

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- a professor of civil engineering, Dr. Norman Garrick today. He received his PhD from Purdue in 86.

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- And he has since then taught at the University of Connecticut, so he's been teaching now there for 20

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- years. He's done extensive advising with state and federal transportation agencies and consulted on

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- various aspects of urban design, sustainable transportation, and planning. His career bridges academic

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- study and engineering practices. He has served as a teacher, a researcher, a transportation consultant,

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- on a number of charrettes nationally and internationally, and is a construction engineer. He has a BS

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- in civil engineering from the University of West Indies, Trinidad. He has also held the prestigious

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- Fulbright Fellowship, which took him to Kingston, Jamaica in 2004 for four months, where he researched

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- transit, motorization, and urban transformation,

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- in that rapidly changing cities. He's done a number of independent research on a number of cities in

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- town that you'll be in the United States that you'll hear about today. He is a member of the CNU board

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- and that's the Congress for New Urbanism. He's been involved in a document that is a new document that

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- is being considered by the Institute of Transportation Engineers for adoption

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- It is entitled The Context Sensitive Solutions in Designing Major Urban Through Affairs for Walkable

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- Communities. So, without further ado, let me introduce Dr. Norman Garrick.

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- Thank you, and good afternoon, and I'm very pleased to be in Indiana. Well, yes, finally, and it took

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- me, I think, 20 years to get back here. I don't know why it took so long, but I'm back. I did enjoy

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- five years. It was a very important five years to me, a very formative years in terms of my

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- professional career. I did my master's and PhD at Purdue University and I'm back here. I'm also very

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- pleased to be part of this series because I really am fascinated with the work that Buff and his crew

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- and all of you all are doing here in Bloomington because I think

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- to change transportation policy, it's gonna take the effort of lots of different people at different

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- levels. It's such a dysfunctional system, and I think even the people that are perpetuating the system

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- understands that it's a dysfunctional system and that it needs to change, but how we go about changing

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- it? You know, there is so much, I guess, impetus not to change this big elephant. In my town of Storrs,

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- Connecticut,

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- We're trying to build a town center. We have a university that always beats IU at basketball. But we

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- have no town. And there is a $170 million project to build a town center. I think it's gotten a lot

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- of national attention. And the town told the developers, give us a walkable community. And the developers

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- came back with plans for narrow streets,

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- modest turn in radio and so. And when the town saw this, they said, you can't do that. Because they

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- are still in that mindset of a suburban place. So even when people say they want one thing, I mean,

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- it is so hard to turn around what it is we're trying to do. So I'm starting out with this presentation

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- with, I was just in,

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- LA that everybody thinks is this horrible suburban sprawled place. And I went to LA for the first time,

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- I think four years ago, and I actually was surprised that LA is not this horrible sprawled place. It's

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- a sprawled place, but it's not horrible. It has a lot of moments.

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- And it's a lot of moments that relates to the fact that it is LA and that there are all these villages

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- that developed around an incredible train transit system 50, 80 years ago. And that structure is still

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- in place. But what fascinates me about going back to LA now is that it's actually trying to restore

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- what it was and become

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- what it could be as a world city. And this picture is from the Transit Center, which is, I think, one

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- of the most beautiful example of its kind in the country. When I was in Pasadena, when I was in LA two

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- weeks ago, I stayed downtown, I took the subway to Union Station, and I got on the bus to go to the

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- airport. I got on the gold line to go to Pasadena,

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- And you would think that you were not in LA because I was in a different system, a parallel system to

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- the LA that everybody knows. And I was fascinated by this place because I didn't even know it was there.

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- But it's this beautiful urban place, lots of people walking around and connecting to the train and to

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- the bus. And you walk to the end of the place and you look over and you see LA.

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- And there was a shock that they have this nice urban place that they're trying to create, but it's surrounded

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- by highways and all the horrible mess that we have created to be able to accommodate cars. Okay, so

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- I think this is great to show that even in LA, which is some people's image of what we shouldn't do,

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- they understand that there is a need for change.

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- And I think we are at that stage where we're needing to change. Okay, so next slide. What is that? Okay,

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- go to the next, one more. Okay, that's it. I don't know if any of you saw this article last week. On

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- my way to the airport on Thursday, I decided to pick up the USA Today, which I never do.

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- And I opened to the third page and I saw this article and I was like, wow. I mean, you couldn't make

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- up this stuff. It's like, this is perfect. Cities afraid of debt by congestion. And a lot of things

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- come to mind when I read that headline. But one of the things that I want to share is the idea that

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- this is a problem, that

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- Everywhere in the country, we are afraid that if we don't accommodate the car, then we're gonna be in

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- trouble, okay? And it's crazy, I mean, we have to accommodate the car or else we're gonna be in trouble,

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- dead by congestion if we don't deal with the congestion. So, Buff, next one please, thank you. So their

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- solution is this. Let's go to the next one to show actually what this looks like.

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- This is what they're proposing in Phoenix. So as you can imagine, there were lots of things going through

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- my mind. This is a 24-lane highway. It's bizarre. So the article talks about, oh, OK, they're doing

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- this in Phoenix, and they already have one in Atlanta. Are these people crazy? Well, anyway.

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- The idea of a 24-lane freeway, I don't like driving on freeways, but the idea of driving on a 24-lane

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- freeway to me is scary. So that was the other thing that came to mind. Okay, anyway, so let's go on,

00:11:18.910 --> 00:11:28.318
- Buff. So I started thinking, Phoenix and Atlanta. Okay, so what do we know about Phoenix and Atlanta? Next one.

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- This is a chart from a study that was done by a group in Australia, in Port Australia, Newman and Kenworthy.

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- Some of you might be familiar with his work. And what he has done is to characterize the performance

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- or the characteristics, transportation characteristics of different cities from around the world. I

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- think about, I don't remember the number, I think 60 cities. And looking at things like this is in,

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- Urban density. Phoenix. Atlanta. It's not so much that they're different from Ho Chi Minh City or Mumbai

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- or Kuala Lumpur. It's just how much that they're different. I assigned this in class, in my sustainable

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- transportation class.

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- I signed it in class for the students to look at the numbers. And one of the students said she just

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- couldn't believe that the American cities were really like that. I mean, she knew that we were different.

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- But what is this, the order of magnitude? It's 50, 60, 100 times different? It's crazy. Again.

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- Next one, please. This is another.

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- I mean, no surprise here. Let's go and see where Phoenix is. Atlanta. Not too bad. They have a transit

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- system. If you notice, Ochimun City is very different from, it's down there not because of the same

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- reasons as Atlanta and Phoenix. It's down there because people actually walk.

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- And the other city that is at the end, did you notice? Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. Well, they can afford it,

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- even if it's stupid, but they can afford it. Okay, let's go on. And then this graph. And of course,

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- you know where we are. And the next one. And again,

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- Let me draw your attention to London, which is a city that seems to work fine. London is, where is London?

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- Anybody see London? London is like five from the end there. So again, we're talking about orders of

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- magnitude four or five times more freeway in Atlanta.

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- And the weird and confusing thing about this is that these cities are some of the most congested in

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- the country. So what's going on here? It don't make sense. They have more freeways, but yet, and they're

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- so sparse, but they have more congestion than anywhere else in the country. Okay, thank you. So this

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- is what I think we're doing. We're going for number one.

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- Go back one buff. One more. But if you notice, I think the reason for their plan is that they're upset

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- that Wellington, New Zealand is actually number one. So that's really the problem. That's why we need

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- those 24 lane freeways. Okay, let's go forward. On the next one. Okay.

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- This is actually what we need to be concerned with. Phoenix. OK, Phoenix. Atlanta is number one in energy

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- use. Some interesting things. Atlanta, two and a half times the energy use of Chicago and New York City.

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- These are metropolitan area, by the way, so it's not

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- New York City. If you were comparing New York City, it would, the comparison would be much, much worse.

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- We're talking about the Chicago land area compared to Phoenix and compared to Atlanta. Two and a half

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- times that we are concerned about energy depletion. We're concerned about greenhouse gases. If we are

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- concerned about it, we need to be stopped talking about alternative fuels.

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- Or we should be talking about alternative fuel, but we shouldn't be just focusing on that. We need to

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- be focusing on why we're using so much energy in our metropolitan areas. And this part of the problem

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- is that this does not get into the discourse. All the politicians are telling us about alternative fuels,

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- of technology. Technology is always going to save us. But this is a problem. I mean, does anybody want

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- to be living like this if they can?

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- Okay, Indianapolis. Okay, Indianapolis. 91% of people commuting by car in a metropolitan area. That's

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- not a metropolitan area. I think this is probably one of the worst in the country. It's telling you

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- a lot about the

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- what we value in this state, and the type, I mean, if somebody just showed me these numbers, and I'd

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- never been to Indianapolis, I would know what type of place it was without going there. I would know

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- about all the big parking lots, the oversized roads, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera. Just by looking

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- at these numbers, this is a city. 2% walking to work? That's crazy. Transit, 3%?

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- And the bike percent, I had to go to a second decimal place. A decimal place. Okay, so Indianapolis.

00:17:56.288 --> 00:18:11.230
- Okay, Felix, Atlanta, Indianapolis. One more. It's an estimate, and maybe I'm wrong by a few inches,

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- That's where Indianapolis is coming out in that general region. Energy use, Phoenix, Atlanta, Indianapolis.

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- So a region that is thinking of positioning itself as a place for the future, I think this is a serious problem.

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- going into an era of scarce energy, where we are concerned about changing the climate in the world.

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- Next one, please. Bloomington. As far as I can tell, Bloomington is the best model in the state in terms

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- of things like commuting by car,

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- in terms of public transit use, in terms of walking, in terms of biking. But what I would say to you

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- is that we shouldn't be comparing Bloomington to Indianapolis. We should be comparing it to Boulder

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- and Davis, California and Cambridge, Massachusetts and places that have a knowledge base that understands

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- that these issues are important.

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- One of the things you might want to look at in terms of Bloomington is that the car use is actually

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- going up. The transit use, well, based on this data, is going down. I think you have made steps in the

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- last five years that might be turning that trend around. But more disturbing to me is the fact that

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- the walking percent is also decreasing. So the fact that these are decreasing is problematic, and it's

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- telling me

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- that yes, Bloomington is what I see here, but it's also telling me that there are some policies and

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- some design issues that need to be addressed, such as how you design your streets, such as what goals

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- and policies you have to develop other forms of transportation aside from cars. Next one, please. One

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- of the things that could

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- Fuel, a change in Bloomington is in terms of the change in the land use pattern. And the only way I

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- had to look at this was to look at the commuting times between 1990 and 2000. And the interesting thing

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- is that there has almost been no change in the physical structure of how people get to work. The physical

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- structure represented by how people get to work

00:21:05.826 --> 00:21:12.941
- in terms of the amount of time it takes to get to work. So it tells me that maybe some of the changes

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- we're seeing is not so that the land use is rapidly changing, but that the whole infrastructure for

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- walking, for biking, et cetera, is not being nourished as it should be in places like Boulder and places

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- like that. I'm just guessing because I've never been here before. Well, I've been here once before in

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- 1984, maybe.

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- You know, nothing personal, but this is what the numbers are telling me. Okay. Next one. Okay. So this

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- is the free way that they're going to double, triple in size in Phoenix. And what I want to say to all

00:21:51.084 --> 00:21:58.683
- these people that are fearful is that yes, congestion is important and we need to be concerned about

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- how people get around. We don't necessarily want people to be stuck in traffic.

00:22:05.730 --> 00:22:14.805
- But the first thing in any transportation policy and in developing places that we want is to recognize

00:22:14.805 --> 00:22:23.792
- that congestion is not all that matters. That in transportation, we have to think about all the other

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- things that transportation affects, not just whether or not the streets are congested. So in developing

00:22:32.955 --> 00:22:35.422
- policies, you need to think

00:22:35.682 --> 00:22:43.077
- how you can develop policies that supports what you want to achieve in your community and not just about

00:22:43.077 --> 00:22:50.119
- moving the cars so that the cars can keep moving. I mean, the cars move in Alabama, in Mississippi.

00:22:50.119 --> 00:22:57.373
- I was there for the Mississippi Renewal Forum. But you don't necessarily want to live in some of those

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- places. And the next point is that

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- We address congestion in terms of our transportation policy in one way. We widen the roads. We widen

00:23:08.705 --> 00:23:15.395
- the roads. Congestion increase. More people stop walking. More people stop taking transit. We have to

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- widen the roads again, quicker than we thought. And we keep doing it over and over. And I looked this

00:23:22.084 --> 00:23:28.642
- up on the internet. So they say that if you keep doing the same thing over and over and expecting a

00:23:28.642 --> 00:23:29.822
- different result,

00:23:31.714 --> 00:23:40.988
- Okay, let's keep going. So I went to the Smart Growth Conference and I developed this slide for the

00:23:40.988 --> 00:23:50.354
- Smart Growth Conference. Just a list of the issues. It takes a little while. Okay, these are some of

00:23:50.354 --> 00:23:59.628
- the issues why we need to be considering changing our transportation policy. Okay, and all of these

00:23:59.628 --> 00:24:00.926
- I could spend

00:24:01.154 --> 00:24:08.934
- the whole period talking about every single one of these issues. And I just may be focused on one, too

00:24:08.934 --> 00:24:16.487
- many deaths and too many injuries. This is something that, for some reason, never gets talked about

00:24:16.487 --> 00:24:24.115
- in the US. It's a national disgrace, but nobody ever talks about it. Each year, 42,000 people die in

00:24:24.115 --> 00:24:28.798
- the US. 42,000 people die in the US from motor car accidents.

00:24:28.898 --> 00:24:39.395
- the rates of fatality in the US is 15 per 100,000. The rate in the Netherlands is six per 100,000. This

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- is two and a half times more. Not only that, 30 years ago, the rate in the Netherlands, the rate in

00:24:49.489 --> 00:24:58.270
- the US was exactly the same. And they have cut the rate of fatality in the Netherlands

00:24:58.786 --> 00:25:09.447
- by almost five times. And the rate here has fallen somewhat. And we're so proud that our roads are safer.

00:25:09.447 --> 00:25:19.504
- Just in the last five years, the rate in the Netherlands keep falling. And in the US, it's actually

00:25:19.504 --> 00:25:26.846
- gone up. Something is really wrong here. In Sweden, their policy is that

00:25:27.138 --> 00:25:37.188
- by the year, whatever, their policy, their safety policy is called Vision Zero, zero fatalities, that's

00:25:37.188 --> 00:25:47.142
- their goal. And yet we are pretty satisfied with 42,000 deaths in the US, and it's puzzling to me. So,

00:25:47.142 --> 00:25:50.718
- looking at that long list of things,

00:25:53.410 --> 00:26:02.784
- This is my conclusion, is that we have a 60-year experiment that has failed. And there's so much evidence

00:26:02.784 --> 00:26:11.803
- to support this. It's a 60-year failed experiment, and we really need to think that it's time to move

00:26:11.803 --> 00:26:20.646
- on. And some places have thought that, including LA. This is from my window in the hotel in LA. So,

00:26:20.646 --> 00:26:22.238
- and other places,

00:26:22.690 --> 00:26:30.300
- that need to change also, this is Paris, which you don't think needs to change, I do. It's crowded,

00:26:30.300 --> 00:26:37.985
- it's noisy, it really, you think of Paris as this wonderful city, but it really has an auto-oriented

00:26:37.985 --> 00:26:45.595
- policy, which the new mayor over the last five years or so is changing, including turning a freeway

00:26:45.595 --> 00:26:51.454
- into a beach. I don't know if you're familiar with that. The new Paris tram,

00:26:52.354 --> 00:26:59.274
- They had to take a four-lane road, and they replaced it with a tram system. It's a transformation in

00:26:59.274 --> 00:27:06.262
- a city that should be. This is what you expect in Paris, but it's not always been that way. He's been

00:27:06.262 --> 00:27:13.525
- taking road space and giving it over to bikes, and even in Paris, they're afraid of dead bike congestion,

00:27:13.525 --> 00:27:18.526
- even in Paris. London, with their congestion charging, there are lots of

00:27:18.722 --> 00:27:26.796
- building examples, Stockholm with congestion charging. The incredible experiment in a place like Zurich,

00:27:26.796 --> 00:27:34.638
- which has absolutely transformed itself. It was a great city, but over the last 15 years, it's become

00:27:34.638 --> 00:27:42.328
- a magnificent city. Zurich, Copenhagen, Amsterdam, Freiburg, Curitiba, Bogota, I mean, all of those

00:27:42.328 --> 00:27:47.710
- places are places that are transforming themselves by transportation.

00:27:49.826 --> 00:27:57.737
- So the issue is that we need to try to figure out how to get out of this cycle of sprawl. Let's just

00:27:57.737 --> 00:28:06.039
- cycle through this, because I think this is fairly obvious. Autodependency is what makes sprawl possible.

00:28:06.039 --> 00:28:14.185
- And autodependency is what saps the life out of cities, Indianapolis, but even cities like Bloomington.

00:28:14.185 --> 00:28:19.198
- Autodependency leads to sprawl and urban decay. Sprawl makes it

00:28:19.490 --> 00:28:28.516
- makes the auto necessary, it makes transit non-competitive, and it makes walking and biking impractical.

00:28:28.516 --> 00:28:37.455
- And then we're told that nobody wants to walk and bike. Next slide. What we need to get into is a cycle

00:28:37.455 --> 00:28:46.653
- of smart transportation where we use transit. This is what transit is for. As a form giver, a rejuvenator,

00:28:46.653 --> 00:28:48.286
- walking and biking

00:28:48.450 --> 00:28:55.110
- are things that adds life and energy. So we can encourage them as much as possible. These leads

00:28:55.110 --> 00:29:02.603
- to communities where lots of things are together. So therefore this concentrated land use, these attractive

00:29:02.603 --> 00:29:09.540
- places, they provide more access, more choices, more competitive transit, more people walking, more

00:29:09.540 --> 00:29:16.478
- people biking. That's where we need to be leading to. And lots of people don't believe that this is

00:29:16.578 --> 00:29:25.607
- what we need, or that this is possible. They might believe that this is what we need, but what I'm gonna

00:29:25.607 --> 00:29:34.293
- be talking about today are some of the examples of where this is happening. Okay, so what I'm saying

00:29:34.293 --> 00:29:42.462
- basically is let's get smart. And this guy looks like our typical transportation planning pro.

00:29:44.706 --> 00:29:54.634
- He had lots of good technology, didn't he? Okay. Actually, Maxwell Smart made me think of somebody else

00:29:54.634 --> 00:30:04.466
- from that era, this gentleman, who is Louis Manford, who 50 years ago, he was telling us that the path

00:30:04.466 --> 00:30:13.726
- we were going down was not too good for us. And he has critiqued and written very well about it,

00:30:14.242 --> 00:30:22.692
- And to me, he is a transportation private eye, the one that has been able to deal with what the issues

00:30:22.692 --> 00:30:31.223
- are in an effective way. And one of the most important things that he has said is that we need to first

00:30:31.223 --> 00:30:39.591
- consider, more than anything else, what is transportation for? What is the purpose of transportation?

00:30:39.591 --> 00:30:42.462
- I was never taught this at Purdue.

00:30:43.330 --> 00:30:50.370
- I was taught how to make good pavement mixes and to count traffic and whatever, but we were never told

00:30:50.370 --> 00:30:57.478
- in grad school at Purdue what was the purpose of all of what we were doing. And that is the fundamental

00:30:57.478 --> 00:31:04.518
- problem is like the professionals have no sense of what it is they're trying to achieve except to move

00:31:04.518 --> 00:31:09.918
- cars, except to make pavements that don't fall apart, which we need of course.

00:31:10.722 --> 00:31:18.102
- But we need to go beyond that and understand that there is a purpose to this beyond that. In terms of

00:31:18.102 --> 00:31:24.758
- trying to answer the question and give you a clue as to what he means, what he says is that

00:31:24.758 --> 00:31:32.426
- a good transportation system minimizes unnecessary transportation. And that confounds some of my students

00:31:32.426 --> 00:31:36.478
- last semester when I presented it. It's maybe puzzling.

00:31:37.282 --> 00:31:44.846
- A good transportation system minimizes unnecessary transportation. So we're not trying to make sure

00:31:44.846 --> 00:31:52.864
- that people can get around. That's not the goal. The goal is for them to have access. Good transportation

00:31:52.864 --> 00:32:00.504
- system provides more access with less mobility. It's only common sense. A good transportation system

00:32:00.504 --> 00:32:06.782
- supports strong, vibrant, healthy communities. It focuses on access, not mobility.

00:32:07.586 --> 00:32:15.795
- One of the things, I was preparing for class last year, and I spent the summer reading Lewis Mumford,

00:32:15.795 --> 00:32:23.520
- The Highway and the City. I read Alexander Marshall on how cities work. I read Stephen Plowden,

00:32:23.520 --> 00:32:31.729
- who wrote, I don't remember, Towns Against Cities? Towns Against Traffic, Towns Against Cities. Towns

00:32:31.729 --> 00:32:36.638
- Against Traffic. Stephen Plowden is a 1960s English planner.

00:32:37.090 --> 00:32:44.422
- that did a really great job at critiquing what was wrong with how they were planning for. They had plans

00:32:44.422 --> 00:32:51.964
- for freeways all up and down London, of destroying the centre of London, and he was very good at critiquing

00:32:51.964 --> 00:32:59.436
- this. And what I've tried to do with this list is to summarise what I think are the most important points.

00:32:59.436 --> 00:33:01.950
- Firstly, the starting place is that

00:33:02.882 --> 00:33:10.348
- We need to understand that transportation is about economic, social, and environmental outcomes. That's

00:33:10.348 --> 00:33:17.958
- the goal of transportation. It has to be within that framework. You cannot think about the transportation

00:33:17.958 --> 00:33:25.138
- project just for about moving traffic. You have to think about the broader goal. If you think about

00:33:25.138 --> 00:33:26.430
- the broader goal,

00:33:26.786 --> 00:33:35.531
- they can come up with solutions that work that doesn't destroy, necessarily destroy a place. If you

00:33:35.531 --> 00:33:44.364
- think about it just as moving vehicles, then the only solution you can come up with is a wider road.

00:33:44.364 --> 00:33:53.110
- The next one, we need to consider what is it, what outcomes we want. If you widen the road, what is

00:33:53.110 --> 00:33:55.646
- that gonna do to your place?

00:33:55.778 --> 00:34:04.492
- Conventional transportation planning process is we look at the traffic trends. Oh, this was so precious

00:34:04.492 --> 00:34:12.955
- in Mississippi. There was a bridge. I wrote an article called Bridgezilla. In Mississippi, there was

00:34:12.955 --> 00:34:21.501
- a bridge that was destroyed. Actually, it was the bridge that was shown all over the world in Biloxi,

00:34:21.501 --> 00:34:24.350
- and it came down with the pylons.

00:34:25.282 --> 00:34:32.966
- The state decided that they wanted a four-lane bridge, and nobody was going to stop them. And what they

00:34:32.966 --> 00:34:40.428
- did was they took the traffic counts for the last 10 years, actually, and they just extrapolated it.

00:34:40.428 --> 00:34:48.113
- And actually, the trend wasn't going up, but they added an extra point so that the trend would be going

00:34:48.113 --> 00:34:54.910
- up. And this was their justification for a four-lane bridge. The bridge is being built now.

00:34:55.906 --> 00:35:02.899
- The thing is, I mean this is horrible what they did, and this is stupid what they did, but the interesting

00:35:02.899 --> 00:35:09.631
- thing is that they presented it to the FHWA, to the Federal Highway Authority, and they were fine with

00:35:09.631 --> 00:35:16.167
- it. Even after people pointed out that this doesn't make sense from a statistical no point of view.

00:35:16.167 --> 00:35:23.422
- But my point is that in conventional planning, we say this is what happened, and this is what is gonna happen.

00:35:23.970 --> 00:35:31.795
- What Plauden says is that if there was nothing wrong with the system, then we should just leave it alone.

00:35:31.795 --> 00:35:39.473
- In projecting trends, we are saying the system is fine, and all we need to do is give more of the same.

00:35:39.473 --> 00:35:47.003
- What is needed instead is a sense of what it is we're trying to achieve. And then when we decide what

00:35:47.003 --> 00:35:53.278
- we want, they will develop the transportation system that will give us that outcome.

00:35:54.210 --> 00:36:02.575
- And this is exactly what was done in Portland, I'll get to that. The third issue is that often we talk

00:36:02.575 --> 00:36:11.021
- about mobility when what we need to do is maximize access. And I'll get to that also. The fourth point,

00:36:11.021 --> 00:36:19.305
- and I think again, a no-brainer, is that there are some ways of getting around that are cheaper, that

00:36:19.305 --> 00:36:23.934
- are not environmentally destructive, that are efficient,

00:36:24.450 --> 00:36:33.197
- Louis Mumford talks about the fact that the bridges of London, from South London, could accommodate

00:36:33.197 --> 00:36:42.120
- 100,000 people per hour. To build a bridge that would accommodate that many cars, and then would have

00:36:42.120 --> 00:36:50.867
- to accommodate the cars parked in London. So the most efficient way to get people from South London

00:36:50.867 --> 00:36:53.054
- to London is by walking.

00:36:53.442 --> 00:37:02.980
- So where it's possible to walk, that's what we should accommodate in Bloomington, for example. And then

00:37:02.980 --> 00:37:12.243
- the last point is that transportation planners are obsessed with speed. Speed is important if you're

00:37:12.243 --> 00:37:21.598
- going from Chicago to Indianapolis. If you're traveling in Bloomington, it might not be so important.

00:37:21.826 --> 00:37:29.768
- What he was arguing is that we need a diversity of choices. We need a change of pace, change of speed,

00:37:29.768 --> 00:37:37.478
- depending on the situation. We need to accommodate different needs. One person have different needs

00:37:37.478 --> 00:37:45.574
- for different types of trips. We need to accommodate different people's abilities. So we need diversity.

00:37:45.574 --> 00:37:50.046
- And what we have created in the US is the exact opposite.

00:37:50.882 --> 00:38:00.760
- We have auto-dependency, and yesterday I experienced airplane dependency. I figured there maybe was

00:38:00.760 --> 00:38:10.638
- at least 12 flights from Chicago to Indianapolis. I would love to look at the energy implication of

00:38:10.638 --> 00:38:18.046
- that. I mean, we're 200 and odd miles from Chicago. I mean, it's, wow. OK.

00:38:19.138 --> 00:38:27.093
- So what I did in this presentation was I looked at some examples in the US where they're practicing

00:38:27.093 --> 00:38:35.047
- some of these things. And some of them I think are particularly apt to this situation here. And the

00:38:35.047 --> 00:38:43.241
- examples were Portland, Oregon, Arlington, Virginia, Cambridge, Mass, and Davis, California. Portland,

00:38:43.241 --> 00:38:47.934
- Oregon I think is one of the most fascinating case because

00:38:48.130 --> 00:38:56.435
- their transportation is trying to create a place. One of the things that I found in research in Portland,

00:38:56.435 --> 00:39:04.505
- I found this when I was researching for Mississippi, next one, thank you, is this document. If you can

00:39:04.505 --> 00:39:12.575
- find it, I would suggest looking at it. It's a document that was done in 1972, and they talk about the

00:39:12.575 --> 00:39:16.414
- choices for the future in the Willamette Valley.

00:39:16.930 --> 00:39:24.646
- basically looking at the implication of different types of transportation. And it's based on something

00:39:24.646 --> 00:39:32.511
- that is becoming vogue again. There are some companies that look at scenario planning, and in particular

00:39:32.511 --> 00:39:40.226
- I'm familiar with one company that has done some of this work for Chicago and Austin and other places,

00:39:40.226 --> 00:39:45.470
- where instead of just predicting trends, you're saying if we do this,

00:39:45.922 --> 00:39:52.968
- What is the possibility? So if we do a particular land use and transportation outcome, what

00:39:52.968 --> 00:40:01.316
- is the implication? If we do a different transportation and land use, what is the implication? So basically,

00:40:01.316 --> 00:40:09.434
- this is about communities deciding what type of community they want and not simply saying that congestion

00:40:09.434 --> 00:40:15.102
- is increasing, we have to do something, so let's build a 24 lane freeway.

00:40:15.490 --> 00:40:22.190
- So they're saying that they are not afraid of death by congestion, that they are going to take charge

00:40:22.190 --> 00:40:29.021
- of the situation. In Portland, what they did was, in 1972, they looked at two scenarios. One where they

00:40:29.021 --> 00:40:35.787
- did like what everybody else in the country was doing, they just continued the current trends. And the

00:40:35.787 --> 00:40:42.553
- other was, they said, but maybe we want to bring more life into Portland itself. We want to strengthen

00:40:42.553 --> 00:40:43.998
- centers like Gresham,

00:40:44.258 --> 00:40:51.507
- and Oregon cities and all the other little centers around, and we want to develop the transit to support

00:40:51.507 --> 00:40:58.481
- that. And basically, this is what they predicted with scenario one, that if you continue the current

00:40:58.481 --> 00:41:05.937
- trends, this is what was gonna happen. Increased suburban sprawl, reduction in farmland, greater dependency

00:41:05.937 --> 00:41:11.806
- on the automobile, reduced access to parks, increased air water and noise pollution,

00:41:12.482 --> 00:41:21.373
- Less diverse economy, I think that was the last one, yes. That's, you know, in 1972, visionary, okay.

00:41:21.373 --> 00:41:30.264
- And this is what exactly happened everywhere else in the country, because this is what everybody else

00:41:30.264 --> 00:41:39.242
- did. And we are surprised, okay. This is what they said about scenario two. It would be higher density

00:41:39.242 --> 00:41:42.206
- guided by environmental concerns.

00:41:42.466 --> 00:41:50.525
- Okay, and this is what they expected. Firstly, they said that they needed a comprehensive planned growth

00:41:50.525 --> 00:41:58.278
- that they wanted to see or that they expected rejuvenation of the cities, preservation of farmlands,

00:41:58.278 --> 00:42:06.030
- increased use of mass transit, increased access to parks and open space, and decrease in air, water,

00:42:06.030 --> 00:42:12.094
- noise, pollution, and I think there's, yes, a more vital and a diverse economy

00:42:12.770 --> 00:42:23.228
- So they were taking a leap of faith that if they did things differently, this would be the outcome.

00:42:23.228 --> 00:42:33.686
- As far as I can tell, it's been an unqualified success. One of the ways that we look at the success

00:42:33.686 --> 00:42:40.798
- is Portland has become increasingly carless over the last 15 years.

00:42:42.306 --> 00:42:51.127
- To the best of my knowledge, there are only two cities of this size, Portland and Seattle, where this

00:42:51.127 --> 00:42:59.949
- trend is evident. You think about the implication of what this means in terms of resources. Well, you

00:42:59.949 --> 00:43:08.943
- can see some of it here. This is the US numbers, population growing, and vehicle miles traveled growing

00:43:08.943 --> 00:43:10.846
- at a much faster rate

00:43:12.354 --> 00:43:19.504
- at a much faster rate, this is the US average, I was intrigued, I first developed this slide for Mississippi,

00:43:19.504 --> 00:43:26.134
- which has population flat-lined, not growing, or not growing very fast. The rate of growth of vehicle

00:43:26.134 --> 00:43:32.764
- miles in Mississippi is much, much faster than the national average. In Connecticut, it's essentially

00:43:32.764 --> 00:43:39.264
- the same thing. It's not much faster than the national average, but it's faster than the, we're not

00:43:39.264 --> 00:43:41.214
- having any population growth.

00:43:41.538 --> 00:43:49.328
- vehicle miles are growing. And I can never for the life of me understand why nobody says, why is this

00:43:49.328 --> 00:43:56.888
- happening? It's just accepted that this is the case, that this should happen. This is the Portland

00:43:56.888 --> 00:44:04.449
- metropolitan area. Very, very fast population growth, but the vehicle miles per capita is actually

00:44:04.449 --> 00:44:10.558
- decreasing. And actually, Buff, go back to that one. It's also interesting that

00:44:11.234 --> 00:44:19.782
- From 1990 to 2000, the population and the vehicle mass traveled were increasing at the same rate. Remember

00:44:19.782 --> 00:44:27.772
- that in the U.S. as a whole, it's much higher. And since 2000, it's actually been decreasing. So it

00:44:27.772 --> 00:44:36.240
- took 30 years, but their planning is showing, it started showing evidence earlier, but now they're really

00:44:36.240 --> 00:44:37.758
- seeing the payoff.

00:44:39.362 --> 00:44:48.034
- One of the big differences, this is a MAX that was built in 1981. This is what started a revolution

00:44:48.034 --> 00:44:56.705
- in transportation in the US. The MAX, along with the San Diego system, were the first light rail. I

00:44:56.705 --> 00:45:05.724
- don't know if you all know the story of light rail, the name. In the 1980s, streetcar and tram was such

00:45:05.724 --> 00:45:07.198
- a despised word.

00:45:07.746 --> 00:45:17.699
- that somebody came up with the term light rail to sell it. So they built these light rail systems and

00:45:17.699 --> 00:45:27.554
- now I think there are at least 50 systems in the country. This was one of the first ones. So we have

00:45:27.554 --> 00:45:35.262
- the traffic not increasing per capita. This is transit per capita in Portland.

00:45:36.290 --> 00:45:44.353
- And again, you can see the upward trend. Okay, let's go. Transit, but this is what I find intriguing.

00:45:44.353 --> 00:45:52.337
- The last time I was in Portland was, I believe it was five years ago, and Portland did not strike me

00:45:52.337 --> 00:46:00.637
- as a bike-friendly city at the time. And I saw all these bike lanes and they seemed not to be well used.

00:46:00.637 --> 00:46:05.854
- And you can see the transformation that is happening in the city.

00:46:09.602 --> 00:46:18.705
- Arlington, and I'm not going to spend much time on Arlington, but I think Arlington is also fascinating

00:46:18.705 --> 00:46:27.809
- in terms of the vision of what they wanted to be and what they did. Arlington issue was about something

00:46:27.809 --> 00:46:35.774
- called the Wilson Boulevard Corridor, which was a decaying auto-oriented commercial strip.

00:46:36.802 --> 00:46:45.723
- Arlington had the ability or was given the option to build the metro line above ground, which is what

00:46:45.723 --> 00:46:54.469
- happened in most of suburban Washington, and in fact, in parts of the city that were not as valued,

00:46:54.469 --> 00:47:03.652
- like in the northeast corner of the city, where they didn't really care that much. Arlington, the county

00:47:03.652 --> 00:47:04.702
- government,

00:47:04.930 --> 00:47:11.896
- which is really a city, I don't know why they call themselves a county, they decided that they would

00:47:11.896 --> 00:47:18.999
- use local money because they recognized an opportunity, and I'm not sure how that vision was so strong

00:47:18.999 --> 00:47:25.965
- in a place like Arlington, because, I mean, they're not always, as far as I'm concerned, always that

00:47:25.965 --> 00:47:32.862
- progressive, but they recognized that this was a way of transforming the city. This is a comparison

00:47:33.218 --> 00:47:40.481
- to what happened in Alexandria, which I would have thought would be the place with the vision, because

00:47:40.481 --> 00:47:47.109
- Alexandria is this exquisite, elegant village, 1700 village. And Alexandria, I think, missed.

00:47:47.109 --> 00:47:54.372
- Go back one, please. Alexandria missed a chance, really. Firstly, the metro goes nowhere near downtown

00:47:54.372 --> 00:48:01.634
- Alexandria. Secondly, it's above ground. So the use of the metro in Alexandria is much, much different

00:48:01.634 --> 00:48:02.974
- from in Arlington.

00:48:03.426 --> 00:48:12.546
- Next one. This is what the station area in Alexander in Arlington looks like. And I always have to make

00:48:12.546 --> 00:48:21.578
- the statement that I think the urban design is needs work. Okay. But I will forgive them that they can

00:48:21.578 --> 00:48:30.523
- work in it. Okay. The next one. So to me, what went on in Arlington was that they actually understood

00:48:30.523 --> 00:48:31.838
- this question.

00:48:32.098 --> 00:48:43.571
- what is transportation for? And what transportation is for in Arlington is about economic development,

00:48:43.571 --> 00:48:53.150
- is about urban revitalization, is about sprawl mitigation. What Mumford said was that

00:48:53.826 --> 00:49:01.241
- One of the things we need to do if we want an effective transportation system is to concentrate the

00:49:01.241 --> 00:49:08.878
- greatest variety of goods and people within a limited area in order to widen the possibility of choice

00:49:08.878 --> 00:49:16.515
- without making it necessary to travel. And this is exactly what they did in Arlington. The point, they

00:49:16.515 --> 00:49:21.854
- tried to do this and they did it with something called bullseye zoning.

00:49:22.690 --> 00:49:31.851
- some of you might be familiar with, and I've always thought that is a very unfortunate term, but it's

00:49:31.851 --> 00:49:40.832
- very descriptive. It's descriptive of the fact that all the development is concentrated. Arlington,

00:49:40.832 --> 00:49:50.082
- basically this planning took place, you can see the string of five metro stations, Roslyn, Courthouse,

00:49:50.082 --> 00:49:51.070
- Clarendon,

00:49:51.554 --> 00:49:59.938
- Virginia Square and Ballston. They referred to it as the RB Corridor. Okay, the other corridor in the

00:49:59.938 --> 00:50:07.582
- state, yeah, that one works. The other corridor is not as good, the one going to Alexandria.

00:50:07.582 --> 00:50:15.966
- This is what, okay, this is what the RB Corridor did look like in 1980. This was just after the metro

00:50:15.966 --> 00:50:20.158
- opened. Across the river, Washington D.C., to the,

00:50:20.930 --> 00:50:29.694
- The left is Georgetown. That's the Keys Bridge to Georgetown. And up in that Arlington is Roslyn, which

00:50:29.694 --> 00:50:38.627
- if you have a flight to Washington, D.C., you would recognize Arlington as that huge concentration across

00:50:38.627 --> 00:50:46.801
- the river on the flight part into international. And you can see almost nothing in the corridor.

00:50:46.801 --> 00:50:48.318
- Next one, please.

00:50:50.882 --> 00:50:59.854
- And this is the RB corridor today. You look at it and you can see where the stations are. So the bullseye

00:50:59.854 --> 00:51:08.402
- zoning around the station, the intensity of development that tapers off to single family housing. So

00:51:08.402 --> 00:51:14.750
- what they were able to do was to build up the commercial base of Arlington

00:51:15.266 --> 00:51:24.047
- without effect, without sprawl, without affecting the residential areas around it. Next one. The bullseye

00:51:24.047 --> 00:51:32.414
- zone ensuring the intensity of use. Next one, please. So the residential zone. So you can see beyond

00:51:32.414 --> 00:51:41.112
- to the more, to areas more central to the station. So the bullseye zone in tapering off and behind would

00:51:41.112 --> 00:51:44.094
- be single family housing. Next one.

00:51:44.642 --> 00:51:58.236
- This is what Arlington looks like in terms of transportation. Drive alone 42% compared to Indianapolis.

00:51:58.236 --> 00:52:11.699
- 73% of transit users walk to the station. 73% walk to the station. A large number of the rest take bus

00:52:11.699 --> 00:52:13.790
- to the station.

00:52:14.626 --> 00:52:24.386
- It's a very, very different way of living. It's a very little known place in terms of planning,

00:52:24.386 --> 00:52:34.858
- but it's very, very important in terms of planning. 33% of the real estate revenue from 8% of the land

00:52:34.858 --> 00:52:42.686
- use in Arlington, Virginia. What is important and what's interesting is that

00:52:43.874 --> 00:52:53.203
- Arlington was not about growth. I mean, it's grown, it's like lots of places around D.C. What's different

00:52:53.203 --> 00:53:02.269
- about Arlington is the type of growth. It's an urban growth that there is life, there is energy, there

00:53:02.269 --> 00:53:11.158
- is commuting by walking and buses, et cetera. It has a sense of place that you don't find in Crystal

00:53:11.158 --> 00:53:12.830
- City, for example.

00:53:13.122 --> 00:53:20.257
- people are very prideful of living in Arlington and what Arlington has been able to achieve. And that's

00:53:20.257 --> 00:53:27.392
- really, I think, what sets it apart. The interesting thing about Arlington is that in Virginia, they're

00:53:27.392 --> 00:53:34.321
- having this debate again. Any of you familiar with it? In Tyson's Corner? In Tyson's Corner, they're

00:53:34.321 --> 00:53:41.662
- trying to turn Tyson's Corner, which is everybody's idea of sprawl, they're trying to turn it into a city.

00:53:42.082 --> 00:53:50.193
- And, but they're debating, should we put it on the ground or should we have it above ground? And it's

00:53:50.193 --> 00:53:58.224
- like Arlington? Okay, go and have a look. So this is an ongoing debate in Virginia. Okay. Cambridge.

00:53:58.224 --> 00:54:06.255
- Cambridge is 90 miles from where I live in Connecticut. And like a lot of places that you live close

00:54:06.255 --> 00:54:09.118
- to, you don't pay any attention to.

00:54:10.434 --> 00:54:16.631
- I go there because I have to go to the airport. It's a lovely place. I love Boston, but actually of

00:54:16.631 --> 00:54:23.014
- the cities on the East Coast, this is the city I know the least because I live close to it and I don't

00:54:23.014 --> 00:54:29.273
- bother pay attention to it. And the last two years I started to pay attention and thought, wow, what

00:54:29.273 --> 00:54:35.470
- is going on in Cambridge? And I wrote a grant two years ago to study bike and how they develop this

00:54:35.470 --> 00:54:39.870
- bike, biking in Cambridge because they didn't have bikes in Cambridge.

00:54:40.194 --> 00:54:49.536
- 10 years ago. And it's been fascinating to learn about Cambridge. Some of the things that were obvious

00:54:49.536 --> 00:54:58.696
- were the bike lanes, the traffic calm, and the street improvement. So the character of Cambridge was

00:54:58.696 --> 00:55:00.510
- changing. Next one.

00:55:02.146 --> 00:55:09.319
- And what I discovered is that it's the planning that really sets Cambridge apart from other places.

00:55:09.319 --> 00:55:16.492
- It's probably some of the best in the country. I think if you're looking for a model, you could not

00:55:16.492 --> 00:55:23.880
- do worse than looking at what they've done in Cambridge. Next one. Oh, let me go back one more. I just

00:55:23.880 --> 00:55:30.622
- wanted to talk about the bag tracks. Bag tracks, do you know why I'm calling that bag tracks?

00:55:31.938 --> 00:55:38.988
- Yeah, this is not a American design. This is probably one of two places in America where you have bikes

00:55:38.988 --> 00:55:45.766
- in the pedestrian ramp. Usually in the US, you have the pedestrian ramp, you have parking, and then

00:55:45.766 --> 00:55:52.613
- you have the bike lane. In Cambridge, this is on the MIT campus in Vassar. And actually, it was done

00:55:52.613 --> 00:55:59.662
- by the university. And the town allowed them to do it. In most places, they would say, we don't do that

00:55:59.662 --> 00:56:01.086
- in America. Go away.

00:56:02.370 --> 00:56:10.833
- But in Cambridge, they have a different attitude towards transportation, and they try different things.

00:56:10.833 --> 00:56:18.970
- Next one. The framework for transportation planning is really what is fascinating to me. And I have

00:56:18.970 --> 00:56:26.782
- a student currently working on trying to get into the details of it for a project with MIT. OK.

00:56:28.002 --> 00:56:35.830
- One of the things that is interesting is that transportation planning is carried out by the Division

00:56:35.830 --> 00:56:44.357
- of Environmental and Transportation Planning. So they have combined those different issues. The environmental

00:56:44.357 --> 00:56:52.108
- and transportation planning is within the Department of Cambridge Community Development. We were in

00:56:52.108 --> 00:56:55.518
- Norfolk. I was in Norfolk working with UDA,

00:56:55.810 --> 00:57:03.468
- famous new urbanist firms. Budae has basically transformed the urban design of Norfolk. Norfolk is getting

00:57:03.468 --> 00:57:10.625
- light rail. The light rail people want their trains to go fast because that's what train people do.

00:57:10.625 --> 00:57:17.997
- Fast trains in Norfolk would destroy the urban fabric. So okay, we're building a train because we want

00:57:17.997 --> 00:57:24.510
- to strengthen the urban fabric, but we're gonna destroy it so that the trains can go fast.

00:57:25.506 --> 00:57:33.096
- In Norfolk, transportation planning, the engineers are over there doing their own thing. The community

00:57:33.096 --> 00:57:40.834
- development people are somewhere else, so they had to bring us in between so that these two people could

00:57:40.834 --> 00:57:48.277
- talk to each other to try and get the same kind of attitude. So this is a very, very, very important

00:57:48.277 --> 00:57:53.214
- issue, that here, transportation is part of community development.

00:57:53.602 --> 00:57:59.874
- So the engineer has to report to somebody that is interested in how the community is developed. The

00:57:59.874 --> 00:58:06.460
- engineer is reporting to somebody that is also concerned about community planning, economic development,

00:58:06.460 --> 00:58:13.233
- environmental and transportation planning, housing, and some health issues. So you have to have a different

00:58:13.233 --> 00:58:19.631
- mindset, or you're not going to survive as a transportation engineer or planner in Cambridge. So it's

00:58:19.631 --> 00:58:22.014
- about this issue of the broader goals

00:58:22.242 --> 00:58:29.635
- rather than just the transportation goals. The goals of environmental and transportation planning in

00:58:29.635 --> 00:58:37.614
- Cambridge improve the quality of life by protecting the environment, the natural resources, and by improving

00:58:37.614 --> 00:58:45.154
- the transportation system. So the goal of transportation is the broader goals. You're not going to get

00:58:45.154 --> 00:58:51.230
- the silliness that you get in Norfolk of the engineers coming in and talking about

00:58:51.458 --> 00:59:01.247
- the importance of making the level of service better for traffic. That has to be part of something bigger.

00:59:01.247 --> 00:59:10.762
- The goals of that office are environmental planning, including climate change. And I know that's a goal

00:59:10.762 --> 00:59:19.454
- here also. I mean, you pointed at university towns. Always interested in bigger global issues.

00:59:19.906 --> 00:59:28.236
- Cambridge are trying to actually do something about it. I'm sure it's also an issue in stores, my hometown,

00:59:28.236 --> 00:59:36.412
- even though we're not doing anything about it. The issues whether or not you are actually doing something

00:59:36.412 --> 00:59:44.511
- are just talking about it. Roads, sidewalks, parks, traffic calming, pedestrian programs, bike programs,

00:59:44.511 --> 00:59:48.830
- parking. Cambridge parking is fascinating. Cambridge is

00:59:49.026 --> 00:59:55.473
- one of the most desirable places for these high-tech companies to move to. And what Cambridge says is

00:59:55.473 --> 01:00:01.794
- that you're not allowed to build more than a certain level of parking. It's not saying that we want

01:00:01.794 --> 01:00:08.431
- this much parking and more. It's saying you're only allowed to build this amount of parking and no more.

01:00:08.431 --> 01:00:14.942
- And once you have done that, then you need to find other ways to get your workers to work, to get them

01:00:16.386 --> 01:00:24.557
- to the job. So there are lots of things like you're forced to build bicycle parking, for example. You're

01:00:24.557 --> 01:00:32.416
- forced to be part of the transportation demand management. So it's a very different view of parking.

01:00:32.416 --> 01:00:40.198
- Instead of saying that this valuable land should be given to parking, it's saying that let's try to

01:00:40.198 --> 01:00:44.478
- find other ways of accommodating this particular need.

01:00:44.706 --> 01:00:55.034
- and to use that land for the benefit and the economic health of the community. It's a very, very different

01:00:55.034 --> 01:01:01.598
- view from most places. Regional planning and, let's say, Cambridge.

01:01:04.034 --> 01:01:12.273
- So what we see in Cambridge is a very holistic approach to community planning. It's an integrated component

01:01:12.273 --> 01:01:20.131
- of community building. It's not separate. It's this issue of it's about transportation goals are about

01:01:20.131 --> 01:01:27.913
- the wider community. What we have seen is a dramatic change in terms of what is actually happening in

01:01:27.913 --> 01:01:32.414
- terms of how people commute or people travel in Cambridge.

01:01:32.994 --> 01:01:41.673
- Again, it's somewhat like Portland, but this has actually happened over a much shorter period. The amount

01:01:41.673 --> 01:01:49.942
- of people walking and biking has gone from 51% to 55% just in the last, since 2000, and I'm sure the

01:01:49.942 --> 01:01:58.457
- numbers have changed dramatically since then. The number of people riding into the city, it's went from

01:01:58.457 --> 01:02:02.878
- 45% to 40%. This is one of the lowest in the country.

01:02:03.490 --> 01:02:13.849
- actually almost as good as Cambridge, UK, which is the best in the UK. It's almost as good as Amsterdam.

01:02:13.849 --> 01:02:23.813
- Vehicle traffic into Cambridge has also decreased. Okay, so we moved to another university town, and

01:02:23.813 --> 01:02:33.086
- this is a town that 2004, you know where? Yeah, Davis, California, 2004 I actually went there

01:02:33.922 --> 01:02:42.296
- I took two months because I heard it was so great and I didn't believe it was so great because I'd never

01:02:42.296 --> 01:02:50.829
- seen any place that was that great in terms of bike. This is the busiest intersection. They have a bicycle

01:02:50.829 --> 01:02:58.565
- signal, which is one of the first in the US to cross one of the bigger roads in Cambridge. Okay,

01:02:58.565 --> 01:03:00.798
- next one. Bicycle trailers.

01:03:02.978 --> 01:03:11.392
- I read a story where bicycle trailers came. Davis is the biggest market for bicycle trailers. There

01:03:11.392 --> 01:03:20.394
- are no school buses in Davis. You get to school by walking, by riding your bike, or by having your parents

01:03:20.394 --> 01:03:29.313
- take you. And the bicycle trailers are used for grocery, and they're used to take your musical instrument

01:03:29.313 --> 01:03:30.238
- to school.

01:03:30.626 --> 01:03:37.906
- So it's a very different way of living. It's a very attractive way of living. I actually enjoyed being

01:03:37.906 --> 01:03:45.116
- in Davis, and I enjoyed meeting people from Davis who, like, their eyes lit up when you said you were

01:03:45.116 --> 01:03:52.255
- from Davis. Wow, I so enjoyed my time there, they would say, and how they behaved differently. Okay,

01:03:52.255 --> 01:04:00.030
- next one. In Davis, I'd never had a car. I sometimes rented a car on the weekends to go into the Napa Valley.

01:04:00.770 --> 01:04:07.955
- But if I wanted to get to Berkeley or to San Francisco, I jumped on this beautiful double-decker train,

01:04:07.955 --> 01:04:15.139
- which is one of the fastest growing train in the country. It goes from Sacramento to, I think, Oakland.

01:04:15.139 --> 01:04:22.738
- Much faster than a car, actually, to get to Berkeley. Ride my bike to the station, jump on this double-decker

01:04:22.738 --> 01:04:29.854
- train. So it's integrated transit that works very well. Davis, California, 70,000 people is one of the

01:04:30.178 --> 01:04:38.078
- It's in the top 30 in terms of busiest train stations in the country. Davis. So we think a lot about

01:04:38.078 --> 01:04:46.292
- the bike. But one of the things that intrigued me, and I didn't understand at first what this was about,

01:04:46.292 --> 01:04:54.583
- was that Davis was 10 square miles and it stopped. The city stopped. It was like a Swiss city. You looked

01:04:54.583 --> 01:04:59.902
- down on it, there was the urban area, and then there was farmlands.

01:05:00.354 --> 01:05:09.974
- And I didn't understand how that worked. I thought maybe it was something to do with the topography

01:05:09.974 --> 01:05:20.266
- or the terrain or something. And it turns out that they have very, very advanced planning that contributes

01:05:20.266 --> 01:05:29.886
- to this. One of the things that they have, the double-decker buses, it's the university bus system.

01:05:30.018 --> 01:05:38.323
- They imported these buses from London, these old buses. But one of the things that is interesting is

01:05:38.323 --> 01:05:46.627
- that there is an agreement between Yolo County, the county surrounding Davis, and the city of Davis.

01:05:46.627 --> 01:05:54.849
- It's basically a growth boundary plan. And how it works is that in California, they have a planning

01:05:54.849 --> 01:05:59.454
- area around the city. And how it works in Davis is that

01:06:00.194 --> 01:06:09.673
- There's an agreement between Yolo County and the city of Davis that as they develop, some of that income

01:06:09.673 --> 01:06:19.062
- would go to the county. If the county allows the sprawl within the area that surrounds Davis, then that

01:06:19.062 --> 01:06:28.451
- money would not go to the county. So there is a very, it's again, very far reaching approach to control

01:06:28.451 --> 01:06:29.534
- the sprawl.

01:06:31.362 --> 01:06:41.669
- This is what Davis looks like. Within the box of the square mile city is where all the development is.

01:06:41.669 --> 01:06:52.577
- Very coherent, very planned development. I had a map comparing it to a college station where the development

01:06:52.577 --> 01:06:59.582
- was all scattered, was all sprawling, very different. Okay. Next one.

01:06:59.938 --> 01:07:09.942
- Okay, in terms of the bicycle, in terms of the bicycle, the issue with bicycle in Davis, to me, is that

01:07:09.942 --> 01:07:19.081
- they get the streets correct. My sense of why people ride bike in Davis is because the streets

01:07:19.081 --> 01:07:29.374
- are comfortable to ride the bikes on. You feel comfortable. One of the graduate students that was in Davis

01:07:29.794 --> 01:07:36.531
- while I was there, did a presentation. And his statement was that a good bicycle place is where you

01:07:36.531 --> 01:07:43.269
- can drink a cup of coffee while you're riding your bike. And I remember when I was in Davis, I was,

01:07:43.269 --> 01:07:50.141
- I think, four miles out of the city. I was actually not living in the city. I couldn't get a place in

01:07:50.141 --> 01:07:57.013
- the city. And I would ride my bike every day. And the first thing I would do was to get on the phone.

01:07:57.013 --> 01:07:59.102
- And I would stay on the phone.

01:07:59.426 --> 01:08:06.451
- while riding. And this was the first time I had a phone, so it was a novelty to me. But I was able to

01:08:06.451 --> 01:08:13.476
- ride and talk on my phone, and I felt very comfortable doing that. So you have to get the environment

01:08:13.476 --> 01:08:20.432
- correct. And the other thing that seems to support this is that Davis is one of the safest cities in

01:08:20.432 --> 01:08:27.871
- California. In terms of fatality level, it's third in the country of all cities in California. The fatality

01:08:27.871 --> 01:08:28.766
- rate is one.

01:08:29.122 --> 01:08:37.286
- per 100,000. The US rate is 15 per 100,000. The California rate is 10 per 100,000. There are only two

01:08:37.286 --> 01:08:45.690
- other tiny cities in California that has a lower fatality rate. And one of the things that is surprising

01:08:45.690 --> 01:08:54.654
- about that is you're told that bicycles are unsafe. So therefore David should have a much higher fatality rate.

01:08:57.314 --> 01:09:05.927
- So this leads me to talk about streets and what makes streets comfortable and safe. And I come up with

01:09:05.927 --> 01:09:14.373
- another list of what I think is important about streets. Firstly, the issue of the network. And this

01:09:14.373 --> 01:09:22.987
- is a very hard issue to deal with in America. Secondly, the issue that streets are for different types

01:09:22.987 --> 01:09:26.750
- of users, and you have to consider the needs

01:09:26.882 --> 01:09:36.148
- of these various users. And then the third point is that streets are places. You think of any place

01:09:36.148 --> 01:09:45.786
- and what creates that sense of place are the streets. And that's one of the things that I think driving

01:09:45.786 --> 01:09:53.662
- through Bloomington, these streets don't contribute to your sense of place. It feels

01:09:54.562 --> 01:10:01.765
- very small townish, very sparse, because of the streets, because it doesn't create that gathering place

01:10:01.765 --> 01:10:08.969
- that is not tied to what's around it. I'll keep going. The network, I was working on this document with

01:10:08.969 --> 01:10:15.964
- IT and CNU, and this is something that we have not been able to really effectively deal with because

01:10:15.964 --> 01:10:23.098
- there is so little research, and we have so little knowledge about how to build networks. But I showed

01:10:23.098 --> 01:10:24.414
- this slide to say,

01:10:24.834 --> 01:10:33.013
- that they're so important because they really tell you about the city. Everybody knows where this is

01:10:33.013 --> 01:10:41.354
- from the network, yes? So I'm not in, where is this? Yeah, it tells you about the city. It's about the

01:10:41.354 --> 01:10:49.452
- structure of the city. This is one of my favorite places. And the way it works has everything to do

01:10:49.452 --> 01:10:52.286
- with the street network. Next one?

01:10:53.698 --> 01:11:02.927
- I don't even know why I have that, but anyway. And this one? Savannah, Georgia, one of the first planned

01:11:02.927 --> 01:11:11.277
- cities. An incredibly beautiful place. The street network was awesome. One more. No, that one.

01:11:11.277 --> 01:11:16.990
- Go back one, thank you. No. Ah. Okay, there you go. The squares.

01:11:18.018 --> 01:11:26.757
- They, I don't even remember how much of them, but the square, those little one acre squares that are,

01:11:26.757 --> 01:11:35.497
- some of you know, Savannah, that are just exquisite. And I was amused about that, the first square in

01:11:35.497 --> 01:11:44.151
- Savannah in the 50s was turned into a parking garage. And you go there and you think, now, how could

01:11:44.151 --> 01:11:45.950
- they have done that?

01:11:48.034 --> 01:12:01.388
- Okay. And this, the structure, the network tells you everything about the place. Where is this? You

01:12:01.388 --> 01:12:09.534
- saw this presentation before. This is not anywhere. This is,

01:12:11.810 --> 01:12:20.856
- Atlanta, Georgia, and that goes on forever. 30, 40, 50 miles, it just goes on and on. It's Indianapolis,

01:12:20.856 --> 01:12:29.472
- actually. So what's the problem with this? Let's go on. I think it was Alexander Marshall that says

01:12:29.472 --> 01:12:38.088
- that the street networks are the bones of the city. The framework on which everything else, how the

01:12:38.088 --> 01:12:40.414
- city perform economically,

01:12:41.026 --> 01:12:50.473
- transportationally, et cetera. Everything else depends on that framework. This is the South Bank of

01:12:50.473 --> 01:13:00.014
- London, not a very nice part of London, Waterloo Station, okay, on the North Bank is the embankment,

01:13:00.014 --> 01:13:08.894
- but everything is about the structure of the city, okay. And one of the problems that we have

01:13:09.474 --> 01:13:17.008
- in the US, well, not just the US, because actually this idea came from a British planner. His name is

01:13:17.008 --> 01:13:24.764
- Stephen Marshall. And he's the one that I think has done the most good work in terms of street networks.

01:13:24.764 --> 01:13:32.299
- He wrote a book called Patterns of Streets, I believe it's called. And what he's saying is that there

01:13:32.299 --> 01:13:39.390
- is nobody professionally charged with determining what the street network looks like currently.

01:13:40.450 --> 01:13:48.920
- The only people that determine the street networks are the highway planners by default and the developers.

01:13:48.920 --> 01:13:57.549
- We have no codes or anything that tells you what the street network should look like. So it's been abandoned

01:13:57.549 --> 01:14:05.623
- basically to where the highways are and the whims of individual developers. And part of the situation

01:14:05.623 --> 01:14:06.494
- in Phoenix

01:14:07.138 --> 01:14:14.844
- is that they don't have a street network, so everything has to go on that thing. So again, talk about

01:14:14.844 --> 01:14:22.777
- lack of diversity in terms of your transportation. If that system ever breaks, that city is toast. Okay,

01:14:22.777 --> 01:14:30.332
- and Stephen Marshall in his book, Street Patterns, shows the evolution over the years of the street

01:14:30.332 --> 01:14:34.110
- network. The core of Bloomington looks like that.

01:14:35.746 --> 01:14:45.016
- But then the suburban outskirt of what you're building now is the other thing. And the way you behave,

01:14:45.016 --> 01:14:54.016
- the way you travel is very different. The connection of those places to the city is very different.

01:14:54.016 --> 01:15:03.646
- And we shouldn't be doing that. Next point. So this is what we're building. This is from this sprawl book.

01:15:04.066 --> 01:15:19.679
- Field Guide to Sprawl by, she's from Yale. And this is called, I love this, Dead Worm Subdivision. Okay.

01:15:19.679 --> 01:15:32.318
- And this is, I think that's Arizona. Okay. Yes, a bullseye, yes. This is a Zoomberg.

01:15:32.962 --> 01:15:42.860
- It's actually bigger than a boom bag. Okay. So the issue that we are confronting is that this has some

01:15:42.860 --> 01:15:52.662
- advantage. Well, actually the only advantage is that there is almost no traffic, but that's also it's

01:15:52.662 --> 01:16:00.926
- disadvantage because all the traffic has to be on those 24 lane highways. So you are,

01:16:02.082 --> 01:16:11.416
- Well, let's go on. This is a huge, huge cost to the community. So the people that live on these things

01:16:11.416 --> 01:16:21.113
- are benefiting to some extent, but everybody else is suffering. And what I contend is that you can achieve

01:16:21.113 --> 01:16:30.175
- the same effect by designing a proper street network. If you go to Wrigleyville in Chicago, you can

01:16:30.175 --> 01:16:31.806
- see how to do it.

01:16:31.970 --> 01:16:41.062
- The problem of course is that, keep rolling, inefficient traffic flow, fractured formless urban fabric,

01:16:41.062 --> 01:16:50.591
- monochromatic places, but also the economic arrangements. So you only have one type of economic arrangements

01:16:50.591 --> 01:16:59.683
- in these places. And walking back in transit are totally ineffectual as transportation. It's impossible

01:16:59.683 --> 01:17:01.694
- to serve these places.

01:17:02.082 --> 01:17:11.714
- It's difficult to serve these places. And in some cases, impossible to serve these places with walking,

01:17:11.714 --> 01:17:21.069
- biking, and transit. Let's get back to Davis. Davis, in their codes, they talk about the need for an

01:17:21.069 --> 01:17:28.478
- organic expansion of the city. Downtown Davis, this is in 1910, Downtown Davis.

01:17:28.930 --> 01:17:35.908
- 1890, I think it was when Davis was founded. This is the downtown core. In the 70s, they were doing

01:17:35.908 --> 01:17:42.956
- some of what the rest of the country was doing, these cul-de-sac development, but not quite, because

01:17:42.956 --> 01:17:49.305
- those cul-de-sacs in Davis are connected by pedestrian and bike paths. So they're not your

01:17:49.305 --> 01:17:56.702
- typical cul-de-sacs, and they're not also of that scale. In the 2000s, this is what they're trying to do.

01:17:57.986 --> 01:18:05.341
- is an expansion, and their codes call for that natural expansion of the city. So the new neighborhoods

01:18:05.341 --> 01:18:12.339
- are connected, and they have neighborhood center in terms of residential, in terms of commercial,

01:18:12.339 --> 01:18:19.765
- et cetera. So all around the city, there are small neighborhood commercial centers. From a new urbanist

01:18:19.765 --> 01:18:26.334
- point of view, they are not what I would consider to be desirable. I don't like the design.

01:18:26.754 --> 01:18:34.112
- But they work because they're connected to the neighborhood. There are shopping centers, but they're

01:18:34.112 --> 01:18:41.616
- connected to the neighborhood. You can get there on your back. You can walk, et cetera. So it's a very

01:18:41.616 --> 01:18:49.338
- different way. And I pick on Davis because, please remember, in 1960, Davis had, let me see if I remember

01:18:49.338 --> 01:18:55.166
- this number, 13,000 people. It's a city that has grown up between 1960 and now.

01:18:55.522 --> 01:19:03.484
- It shouldn't look like this. It should look like outside of Bloomington, but they've had very far-reaching

01:19:03.484 --> 01:19:11.224
- policy. Their policies are downloadable. Go on the web, you can see how they work. It's very applicable

01:19:11.224 --> 01:19:18.740
- to this city. And I talked about the fact that if you design the network properly, you don't have to

01:19:18.740 --> 01:19:22.014
- have cul-de-sacs. This is Prince Lauerberg.

01:19:22.562 --> 01:19:31.112
- I think this is one of the most beautiful urban places in Europe. And they're basically, I like using

01:19:31.112 --> 01:19:39.577
- this example because it shows how the different streets are meant for different functions, different

01:19:39.577 --> 01:19:48.462
- mixes of function. The residential streets, very little traffic. I think one more. And the streets differ

01:19:48.462 --> 01:19:52.318
- not just in their cross section, not just in,

01:19:53.186 --> 01:20:00.671
- their lengths, but in terms of their connectivity, in terms of their location in the network. And you

01:20:00.671 --> 01:20:08.009
- see the same kind of thing that they talk about in Davis, the same kind of changes that you need to

01:20:08.009 --> 01:20:15.494
- make to make sure that the residential streets are not fast passing streets. So just to give you some

01:20:15.494 --> 01:20:21.438
- examples, this is one of the main streets shown as an alley in Prince Loverburg.

01:20:21.762 --> 01:20:29.953
- This is another main street in the neighborhood, Prince Loverburg Alley. This is a neighborhood shopping

01:20:29.953 --> 01:20:37.987
- street that is not as continuous. So the other two continues to the rest of the city. This one is much

01:20:37.987 --> 01:20:46.022
- shorter. It doesn't continue. This is what I call a neighborhood living street. It's a bit ziggyzaggy.

01:20:46.022 --> 01:20:51.326
- So the traffic is much slower. It has some of the things like cafes

01:20:51.458 --> 01:20:58.497
- and so on. And this is a residential street. That's a very quiet street. That's a very nice street to

01:20:58.497 --> 01:21:05.466
- live on. Okay. And just to show some of what it looks like, this is, I'm showing you the alley with,

01:21:05.466 --> 01:21:12.781
- I love this street because I've asked my students to calculate how much volume of people that this moves.

01:21:12.781 --> 01:21:19.198
- The U-Bahn that goes every 10 minutes. A light rail on the street. The bicycle, the walking.

01:21:19.458 --> 01:21:26.416
- And I asked them to calculate how many lanes of traffic, if we got rid of all of that transportation,

01:21:26.416 --> 01:21:33.442
- okay. Shawna's Alley, the sidewalks, the generous sidewalks, the texturing of the pavement, which adds

01:21:33.442 --> 01:21:40.331
- to the character of the place. And you have to remember what this was. This was the old, fashionable

01:21:40.331 --> 01:21:46.334
- area of East Berlin. And when I first went here, all of these buildings were crumbling.

01:21:47.842 --> 01:21:57.059
- It's a fascinating place. The bike crossings on Chonos Alley. Next one. The quieter living street with

01:21:57.059 --> 01:22:06.187
- the raised intersection, which slows down traffic, and horrible to ride your bike on, by the way. The

01:22:06.187 --> 01:22:16.030
- residential street, which is much quieter. It has different features so that you don't have a lot of volumes.

01:22:16.482 --> 01:22:26.028
- So the network, we knew how to do it 20 years in the 1920s, and we need to get back to doing it. Streets

01:22:26.028 --> 01:22:35.392
- must serve all types of users. Streets are integrators. In the 60s, we were thinking that the only way

01:22:35.392 --> 01:22:44.574
- to deal with traffic was to separate everything. So cars on one level. This is the, what's his name?

01:22:45.378 --> 01:22:54.849
- The Kubosier idea of the modernist city. What we're finding is that cities work much better when streets

01:22:54.849 --> 01:23:04.139
- are integrators. They're not separators. Streets need to bring things together. They need to integrate

01:23:04.139 --> 01:23:13.158
- rather than separate the different modes of travel. And they tie the city together. Next one. And I

01:23:13.158 --> 01:23:14.782
- like this street.

01:23:15.170 --> 01:23:24.389
- It's a big street. Anybody recognize this? Some of you should. Connecticut Ave. Looking down towards

01:23:24.389 --> 01:23:34.339
- DuPont Circle. It's a very big street, but it works in a lot of ways. It has generous pedestrian facilities.

01:23:34.339 --> 01:23:43.102
- It's relatively easy to cross for such a big street. So it's a street that integrates the city.

01:23:43.234 --> 01:23:51.728
- To me, it's my favorite urban place in the US. It's this Dupont Circle area. And this is the city that

01:23:51.728 --> 01:24:00.139
- I grew up in, in Kingston, Jamaica. King Street, which is an abandoned street, basically, in a lot of

01:24:00.139 --> 01:24:09.045
- ways. Only poor people are seen on this street. My family, when I was in Jamaica in 2004 for my sabbatical,

01:24:09.045 --> 01:24:13.086
- my family was always amazed that I took transit.

01:24:13.346 --> 01:24:20.479
- And I would go downtown Kingston. It's like, what are you doing down there? I think it's, you know,

01:24:20.479 --> 01:24:28.039
- compared to what we value in Jamaica, this is so much more lovely. It's just amazing. But we have adopted

01:24:28.039 --> 01:24:35.386
- the same kinds of attitudes and issues. So we talked about the need for giving non-motorized travelers

01:24:35.386 --> 01:24:42.590
- priority. It's a long list. Yeah. They're cheaper to serve, much more efficient. They don't pollute.

01:24:42.818 --> 01:24:50.651
- They don't deplete resources. They don't take up too much space. They're not armored, which is very

01:24:50.651 --> 01:24:58.796
- important factor to consider. And they tire more easily. So when you're designing, you need to consider

01:24:58.796 --> 01:25:07.177
- that. And most of all, they bring life, energy, and vitality. Cars don't bring life or energy or anything.

01:25:07.177 --> 01:25:12.190
- Dan Burton was quoted in the Smart Growth paper as saying that.

01:25:12.642 --> 01:25:21.251
- Cars don't like other cars. But people want to be around other people. Jan Gels puts it a different

01:25:21.251 --> 01:25:29.946
- way. He says that man is man's greatest pleasure. We want to be around people. And so this is why we

01:25:29.946 --> 01:25:37.694
- need pedestrians in our cities. Speed is one of the things if you're going to accommodate

01:25:38.050 --> 01:25:47.880
- Bikes and pedestrians, you need to be very concerned about speeds. This is why Davis is so safe, I think.

01:25:47.880 --> 01:25:57.525
- Going from 20 miles per hour to 40 miles per hour, the chance of being killed more than what? Increases

01:25:57.525 --> 01:26:07.262
- by a factor of 10, okay. Okay, what else do I have here? Okay, this is about where we design in America.

01:26:07.650 --> 01:26:15.423
- where in a lot of European city, this is where they want to be in urban places. There's a lot of reasons

01:26:15.423 --> 01:26:22.900
- for that, not just safety. Well, one of the theory is that this is the speed that the body was meant

01:26:22.900 --> 01:26:30.525
- to withstand a collision. So if you fall, this is about the type of energy that is transmitted to your

01:26:30.525 --> 01:26:36.670
- skull. And we have not developed thicker skulls because we have to deal with cars.

01:26:37.666 --> 01:26:46.248
- The other thing is that at 20 miles per hour, you can make eye contact. You can see people. So you can

01:26:46.248 --> 01:26:54.664
- negotiate how you travel. And this has been used in Europe, in the Netherlands, for something called

01:26:54.664 --> 01:27:03.329
- a shared street, a shared street concept, which they are actually building some in Cambridge. They call

01:27:03.329 --> 01:27:05.662
- it naked streets in the UK.

01:27:06.274 --> 01:27:14.203
- And one of my grad students did a Google search for naked streets. And he didn't like what he found.

01:27:14.203 --> 01:27:22.524
- So I decided not to use that term. OK. This issue came up. I mentioned that we're building a town center.

01:27:22.524 --> 01:27:30.453
- And the people say they want a walkable town center in Storrs. This is actually Storrs, Connecticut.

01:27:30.453 --> 01:27:35.006
- Behind me is the little street that goes to where I live.

01:27:35.682 --> 01:27:42.263
- And I ride my bike to work and I have to cross this road, which is not a pleasant experience. So about

01:27:42.263 --> 01:27:48.845
- a week ago, the developer called me and he says he's getting so much pressure because they want to put

01:27:48.845 --> 01:27:55.234
- parking in the town center, which would like to have parking in the town center. There's no parking

01:27:55.234 --> 01:27:57.982
- there now. Somebody was just knocked over.

01:27:58.882 --> 01:28:04.708
- And there is a very heightened awareness of pedestrian safety because before that, a girl was killed

01:28:04.708 --> 01:28:10.649
- on the campus by a hit-and-run driver, which, of course, it had nothing to do with the streets. It was

01:28:10.649 --> 01:28:16.649
- kids behaving very badly. So that happened. Then somebody was knocked over on the main street. So there

01:28:16.649 --> 01:28:22.532
- is this heightened awareness. So the people that don't want parking is saying, look, we told you, you

01:28:22.532 --> 01:28:26.974
- can't put parking, which doesn't make any sense if there's no parking there.

01:28:27.490 --> 01:28:36.097
- So I don't know how that proves that we shouldn't have parking. So they organized a meeting with the

01:28:36.097 --> 01:28:44.875
- mayor just before I came, the day I came. And this was last Sunday, I decided to actually look at what

01:28:44.875 --> 01:28:53.823
- speeds were like in stores. Don't go too fast, stay there. So I asked, no, no, the next one. Stay there,

01:28:53.823 --> 01:28:54.846
- there, yes.

01:28:55.170 --> 01:29:02.480
- I asked the people in this meeting, the town engineer, the mayor, I said, what is the speed on this

01:29:02.480 --> 01:29:10.082
- road? What do you think they said? They said 50, 45, 50. I mean, they all knew what it was. Keep going.

01:29:10.082 --> 01:29:17.392
- This is the speed on the road. We know these things. And we put up a sign saying that you should go

01:29:17.392 --> 01:29:23.678
- 25 miles per hour. And if you go 25 miles per hour, you run the risk of being killed.

01:29:25.858 --> 01:29:35.884
- That is the speed that we found, 54 miles to 38 miles. Nobody was going less than 38 miles per hour.

01:29:35.884 --> 01:29:45.811
- Next one. And I asked the same question here, and they said what? 40? Okay. That's exactly. I mean,

01:29:45.811 --> 01:29:51.966
- everybody intuitively understands these things. The next one?

01:29:54.594 --> 01:30:01.554
- This is the main street in Storrs, Connecticut. If we win another few national championship, no, we

01:30:01.554 --> 01:30:08.862
- don't have it here. We have it on campus, the parades. And we don't burn things either. What's the speed

01:30:08.862 --> 01:30:15.892
- on this road? Let's see. Everybody knows these things instinctively. Nobody's ever actually measured

01:30:15.892 --> 01:30:23.131
- it. There's not a lot of information. We know that people behave depending on how the road is designed.

01:30:23.131 --> 01:30:23.966
- Keep going.

01:30:25.794 --> 01:30:35.317
- Next one. Next one. Just keep rolling through it and go to the next one. So we know that the speed is

01:30:35.317 --> 01:30:44.934
- affected by the design and the surroundings. And we just finished a study sponsored by the Connecticut

01:30:44.934 --> 01:30:54.270
- DOT, and these are what we found in our study. We found that roads or facilities that are road-like

01:30:54.498 --> 01:31:03.488
- or highway-like, they have much higher speed, and by that we mean shoulders, no curb, no sidewalk,

01:31:03.488 --> 01:31:12.840
- no trees, large setbacks, guide rails, all of those things that says to people that this is a highway,

01:31:12.840 --> 01:31:22.466
- go faster. This is Winter Park in Florida, very, very different kind of environment, and this is a street

01:31:22.466 --> 01:31:23.646
- or an avenue

01:31:23.810 --> 01:31:31.535
- or a boulevard-like. So a very different kind of concept. And this is something, actually, the CNU document

01:31:31.535 --> 01:31:39.046
- is trying to instill, is that we don't just have arterial collectors on local streets, but we have roads

01:31:39.046 --> 01:31:46.199
- that is a rural facility. We have streets that is an urban facility. And some of the things include

01:31:46.199 --> 01:31:51.134
- small setback, raised curbs, no shoulders parking, small curb radii,

01:31:51.554 --> 01:32:01.639
- Street trees, median, urban type, fixtures, all those things contribute to lower speeds. Keep going.

01:32:01.639 --> 01:32:11.823
- And then the last point, so three points. Three points. The first one, the network. All users must be

01:32:11.823 --> 01:32:20.510
- considered. And then the third point is that streets are places. And okay, keep going.

01:32:20.610 --> 01:32:27.648
- One of the things that I think is and must be recognized and must be understood is that they are paramount

01:32:27.648 --> 01:32:34.555
- in shaping our sense of place and civic pride. An English group put it this way. They say, great streets

01:32:34.555 --> 01:32:41.198
- make great cities. So you start with the streets. Great streets make great cities. And fundamentally

01:32:41.198 --> 01:32:48.039
- is that the street should serve the city. The city shouldn't be serving the street. The street is there

01:32:48.039 --> 01:32:50.078
- to serve the city. Keep going.

01:32:50.946 --> 01:33:01.845
- No, that is a great street. That is the Ban of Strasser in Zurich, Switzerland in a great city. The

01:33:01.845 --> 01:33:13.289
- enclosure of the street, all of the things work together, the paving, all of it works together to create

01:33:13.289 --> 01:33:17.758
- that sense of place. I took this picture

01:33:19.266 --> 01:33:28.956
- March, I was on my way to India, and I stopped in Zurich to change planes, took the train into downtown.

01:33:28.956 --> 01:33:38.370
- I had two hours just to wander the streets. And this is February. I mean, and look at, this is a cold

01:33:38.370 --> 01:33:47.691
- place. This is not. And look at the people on the streets. It's amazing. Next one. This on the other

01:33:47.691 --> 01:33:48.798
- hand is LA.

01:33:50.338 --> 01:33:59.960
- And the streets, the amenities at the side are not horrible. But because LA needs to have lots of traffic

01:33:59.960 --> 01:34:09.581
- moving, you have a very different sense of the city because of the sheer scale and size of this facility.

01:34:09.581 --> 01:34:19.838
- This is Poundbury in the UK. The residents call it Charlieville for the guy that inspired it was Prince Charles.

01:34:20.546 --> 01:34:28.866
- Okay, it was built by, designed by a incredible designer called, oh no, I'm missing his name, Leon Crer,

01:34:28.866 --> 01:34:37.265
- Leo Crer, who also designed the architecture school in Miami. And he spent more or less his whole career,

01:34:37.265 --> 01:34:45.426
- and one of the fascinating things for me is that you notice the width varies and its curves and thing.

01:34:45.426 --> 01:34:49.150
- How he sets out his city is that he determines

01:34:49.602 --> 01:34:56.942
- what the buildings and the blocks should look like. And then once he's done that, then he puts in streets.

01:34:56.942 --> 01:35:03.870
- It's the opposite of how we normally lay out cities. So this is all about designing the place rather

01:35:03.870 --> 01:35:10.867
- than designing the street. The next one. And then this last one here is a shared street. I believe in

01:35:10.867 --> 01:35:16.766
- Scandinavia, I'm not sure where, but the idea that the whole system should be shared.

01:35:17.122 --> 01:35:25.630
- And this was the concept of shared street is from a Dutch engineer named Monderman who came up with

01:35:25.630 --> 01:35:34.137
- this concept in the Netherlands. And it's more or less spread to Northern Europe and to the UK. Ben

01:35:34.137 --> 01:35:42.815
- Hamilton Bailey is one of the main designers that does this in the UK. And I mentioned earlier, there

01:35:42.815 --> 01:35:46.814
- is a shared street concept being developed for

01:35:47.650 --> 01:35:54.925
- For Cambridge, what's interesting actually is that a lot of our streets were shared streets. The street

01:35:54.925 --> 01:36:01.921
- I live on from the 1950s is a shared street, and it works very, very nicely as a shared street. And

01:36:01.921 --> 01:36:09.127
- we have gone away from this very sensible design in situations like this. In Dachshund, the city where

01:36:09.127 --> 01:36:16.542
- this has been used a lot, what they're saying is the traffic fatalities, traffic accidents has decreased.

01:36:17.026 --> 01:36:23.818
- And the traffic is actually moving across the town much smoother. It's going slower, but there's less

01:36:23.818 --> 01:36:30.544
- congestion because you don't have stop signs. The reason they call it naked street is that you don't

01:36:30.544 --> 01:36:37.270
- need signs. The idea is that it's a social control because you understood what you're supposed to do

01:36:37.270 --> 01:36:43.796
- and how you're supposed to behave rather than having signs saying don't turn here, don't do this,

01:36:43.796 --> 01:36:46.526
- et cetera. OK, I think I'm near the end.

01:36:47.202 --> 01:36:57.642
- So I guess the point of all of this, next one, is that smart transportation works. I love this picture.

01:36:57.642 --> 01:37:07.681
- This is from Wrigleyville in Chicago. And I took this picture because I just read Yangel's book and

01:37:07.681 --> 01:37:16.414
- he talked about cities are about lingering. Good streets are where you want to linger.

01:37:16.610 --> 01:37:24.613
- So it's not just about getting a place. And I was in Wrigleyville, and I saw so much lingering. And

01:37:24.613 --> 01:37:32.617
- these two women were there for a long, long time, lingering and passing time. And I don't know what

01:37:32.617 --> 01:37:40.700
- they must have thought of me taking pictures. I looked at Portland, Arlington, Cambridge, and Davis.

01:37:40.700 --> 01:37:45.342
- And what I'm trying to get across with this slide is that

01:37:45.954 --> 01:37:53.922
- Wherever we go anywhere for design, people say, but that's not Bloomington. It's not Lake Charles. We're

01:37:53.922 --> 01:38:01.739
- different. We're special. What works there is not going to work here. Every single where you go is the

01:38:01.739 --> 01:38:09.328
- same thing. In Connecticut, we have two Farmington Valley towns, which are the high income towns in

01:38:09.328 --> 01:38:13.502
- the Hartford suburbs. And I was working in Farmington.

01:38:13.922 --> 01:38:19.682
- I would give examples from West Hartford, which is a very nice town next door. And they would say, oh,

01:38:19.682 --> 01:38:25.443
- but that's West Hartford. We don't want to hear about West Hartford. So they're different. And I don't

01:38:25.443 --> 01:38:31.091
- know how West Hartford people are so different. What is important is that these places have actually

01:38:31.091 --> 01:38:36.907
- accomplished what they set out to do. And I think that can work anywhere. I don't think it's just about

01:38:36.907 --> 01:38:40.990
- Cambridge or Portland. I think particularly in a place like Bloomington,

01:38:41.602 --> 01:38:50.069
- And this is why I am particularly happy to be here, because I think the potential for Bloomington to

01:38:50.069 --> 01:38:58.453
- be different and to be a model for Indiana so that people can say in West Lafayette, oh, but that's

01:38:58.453 --> 01:39:07.255
- Bloomington. I think the potential is so great. Let me see what else I have. I made this up for my karma

01:39:07.255 --> 01:39:09.854
- presentation and the idea that

01:39:10.306 --> 01:39:18.475
- This is Kingston, this is my hometown. This is a, Chris Blackwell is the owner of Island Record, he's

01:39:18.475 --> 01:39:26.564
- a Jamaican millionaire, and he commissioned this wonderful architect that I met last summer. We were

01:39:26.564 --> 01:39:35.614
- working together with the Prince of Wales project in Kingston, and she designed this incredibly beautiful hotel.

01:39:36.002 --> 01:39:43.679
- with this infinity pool in the side looking over the city, and in the back an infinity lawn looking

01:39:43.679 --> 01:39:51.510
- up to the Blue Mountains. And we were working in Rosetown, which is one of the most depressed ghetto,

01:39:51.510 --> 01:39:59.724
- the area that Bob Marley is from. And I was working with Andres Diwani, and I was fascinated to go because

01:39:59.724 --> 01:40:04.254
- I was thinking, Andres Diwani, this millionaire architect,

01:40:04.610 --> 01:40:12.287
- that is used to talking to a much different audience. I was wondering how you would translate to poor

01:40:12.287 --> 01:40:20.039
- people in Jamaica. And it was amazing to me that people in Rosedone totally got all of these concepts.

01:40:20.039 --> 01:40:27.566
- They understood what worked and what they lacked. So Ann Hodges, this is her project. And it really

01:40:27.566 --> 01:40:33.662
- struck me that wherever you go, I mean, the things that we're trying to achieve,

01:40:33.954 --> 01:40:40.828
- in transportation is essentially the same. We're looking for economic vitality and we're looking for

01:40:40.828 --> 01:40:47.635
- the quality of life. And I think all of these, the issue of transportation in transforming place is

01:40:47.635 --> 01:40:54.577
- so great that we really need to pay more attention to what we can achieve with transportation. Let me

01:40:54.577 --> 01:41:02.064
- see if I have anything else. And the basic principles of smart transportation planning I think are universal,

01:41:02.064 --> 01:41:03.902
- okay. Yes, next one, okay.

01:41:04.802 --> 01:41:12.000
- So I guess, and the last one, the important point, I guess, to leave you with is this issue that,

01:41:12.000 --> 01:41:19.419
- one more, is that this is a question that we need to be answered. What we are trying to achieve with

01:41:19.419 --> 01:41:24.414
- transportation. What is transportation for? So thank you very much.

01:41:42.786 --> 01:41:54.800
- And ask There's one over there as well. I don't know if you please necessarily need to respond to this,

01:41:54.800 --> 01:42:06.467
- but I just wanted to add One thing to your statistic about traffic fatalities one of our friends was

01:42:06.467 --> 01:42:11.550
- in the business of collecting those and she

01:42:12.418 --> 01:42:20.669
- told us that on a further breakdown you find out that fully one quarter of those fatalities are pedestrians

01:42:20.669 --> 01:42:28.309
- and bicyclists, which kind of dramatizes how dangerous it is out there considering all the millions

01:42:28.309 --> 01:42:36.102
- of cars and the high speeds, but yet a quarter of the fatalities are the pedestrians. I'm guessing at

01:42:36.102 --> 01:42:37.630
- the number, but the

01:42:37.986 --> 01:42:45.357
- The chance of being killed if you're in a traffic accident and you're a pedestrian, I think is 1%. And

01:42:45.357 --> 01:42:52.586
- the chance of being killed if you're in a car is much, much lower. So there are many more car-to-car

01:42:52.586 --> 01:43:00.100
- accidents. But the pedestrian fatality accidents that occur, the pedestrian accidents that occur usually

01:43:00.100 --> 01:43:06.398
- have much severer outcomes. And so that's, again, why I think David's is so remarkable.

01:43:06.754 --> 01:43:15.652
- because you have so many people, more people on bikes and on foot, and yet it has compared to, what

01:43:15.652 --> 01:43:24.817
- is that place called? All those places, Riverside? Riverside, California is amazing, the fatality rate

01:43:24.817 --> 01:43:31.134
- there. 30 times more fatality per capita in Mississippi than in Davis.

01:43:34.082 --> 01:43:41.417
- It's been a brilliant talk. I really appreciate you coming here. I have kind of a pedestrian question

01:43:41.417 --> 01:43:48.608
- about naked streets, which is how, how did the automobile intersections operate in the naked street

01:43:48.608 --> 01:43:56.087
- concept? It's interesting. I think the naked street concept is lots of different concepts, but the idea

01:43:56.087 --> 01:44:03.134
- is that it's a negotiation. So you come to the intersection and you see if the car is far enough.

01:44:03.266 --> 01:44:12.138
- You make eye contact on your cross if there is a gap. One of the things why lower speeds work better

01:44:12.138 --> 01:44:20.922
- for congestion is that the gap that you need is much, much shorter. The gap that people are willing

01:44:20.922 --> 01:44:29.881
- to take is much shorter because the consequences of being knocked over is not as severe. So therefore

01:44:29.881 --> 01:44:31.550
- there is more flow

01:44:32.034 --> 01:44:39.815
- because you don't have to stand and wait for a big enough gap to open. It's the same thing. It's about

01:44:39.815 --> 01:44:47.445
- eye contact. Yeah, well, more or less, but you don't have to stop unless you need to stop. It's more

01:44:47.445 --> 01:44:54.999
- like a roundabout maybe. So you come up and you see if there is enough gap or if you are first, you

01:44:54.999 --> 01:45:01.118
- keep going. So again, it's about interaction. It's about eye to eye interaction.

01:45:01.506 --> 01:45:09.590
- I was just in Portland, I got back the day before yesterday and Greg Raisman and I took a bike ride

01:45:09.590 --> 01:45:17.836
- and it turns out that there are 8,000 intersections in Portland without any signage. These are in the

01:45:17.836 --> 01:45:26.243
- neighborhoods and I guess you better know the culture when you drive there, so I'm telling you for your

01:45:26.243 --> 01:45:27.294
- information.

01:45:27.714 --> 01:45:37.016
- And that is that the person on the right gets the right of way. But what you find is that almost everybody

01:45:37.016 --> 01:45:45.796
- takes very good care going through neighborhood streets. Any other questions? Can you step up to the

01:45:45.796 --> 01:45:54.750
- mic, please? I know it's way over there, but they're videotaping this, and we want people to hear you.

01:45:55.202 --> 01:46:04.335
- I was wondering on the naked streets also, what is the hierarchy? Who has priority? Is it the pedestrians

01:46:04.335 --> 01:46:13.124
- and the bikers and the car or how does, is there a priority? No priority. It's about negotiating. The

01:46:13.124 --> 01:46:22.430
- way I think Ben Hamilton Bailey actually has his presentation on my slide. He made a wonderful presentation

01:46:22.530 --> 01:46:32.320
- two years ago in Pasadena at the CNU. And he has the concept of system time and people time. System

01:46:32.320 --> 01:46:42.110
- time is your design for the machine. People time is that you're designed for the human environment.

01:46:42.110 --> 01:46:50.334
- And shared use street is that design where everything is about negotiating, social,

01:46:50.626 --> 01:46:58.818
- rather than system time where you have to have controls. So there is no priority. It's about the negotiating

01:46:58.818 --> 01:47:06.785
- that takes place between people. And that's what happens in walking about in, say, Grand Central Station.

01:47:06.785 --> 01:47:14.601
- You have to negotiate how you go. So there is no priority necessarily. It's just, it works. You haven't

01:47:14.601 --> 01:47:19.486
- seen those crowds converging. I love the concept of system time.

01:47:19.650 --> 01:47:29.136
- The problem, and I was thinking about this, I was on my walks in stores, the problem is that what we

01:47:29.136 --> 01:47:38.528
- have done is we have brought the system time into the people time situation. So we have developed a

01:47:38.528 --> 01:47:42.942
- design system that have basically designed out

01:47:43.682 --> 01:47:49.609
- what should be, and the only place you see people time is things like in a parking lot, because there

01:47:49.609 --> 01:47:55.478
- are no rules in a parking lot, necessarily. It doesn't make sense that we've designed one way there,

01:47:55.478 --> 01:48:01.348
- and then if you try to do the same thing on the street, you say, no, no, it can't happen, but that's

01:48:01.348 --> 01:48:07.333
- the kind of environment. So, you know, that's, it's a very different approach to design. And actually,

01:48:07.333 --> 01:48:13.086
- one of the things I'm hoping to do is to do a project which I'm trying to call vernacular streets.

01:48:13.538 --> 01:48:21.402
- which is a design that is more like the street I live in. It's very curvy, just follows the landscape.

01:48:21.402 --> 01:48:29.265
- It's narrow. There are no sidewalks. You walk in the road. What we did, what we learned, what I taught

01:48:29.265 --> 01:48:35.678
- at engineering school was that in every situation, you have to do geometric curves.

01:48:36.226 --> 01:48:43.064
- And it doesn't make sense in Leon Krayer shows that in Palmberry. Palmberry is incredible. If you can

01:48:43.064 --> 01:48:49.969
- find pictures of it, please go and have a look at it. Okay. Yeah, if I could have one more. We're just

01:48:49.969 --> 01:48:56.807
- discussing widening second street and it has to do with the answers that we need when we talk to some

01:48:56.807 --> 01:49:03.511
- of the engineers are the concept of projecting 30 years into the future based on current trends and

01:49:03.511 --> 01:49:04.382
- the kinds of

01:49:04.962 --> 01:49:11.540
- Horrible weights that'll be out there 30 years from now that we got to build for today Even though today

01:49:11.540 --> 01:49:17.805
- the problems aren't that great in magnitude and then the current delays You know at peak, you know,

01:49:17.805 --> 01:49:24.195
- you have you might wait through two or three cycles of the light Yes, and what kind of answers can we

01:49:24.195 --> 01:49:30.334
- have for traffic people who have everything down on their paper and seem very convincing in their

01:49:30.434 --> 01:49:40.405
- in their attitudes about that? Well, I mean, you have made a point. I mean, why should you be designing

01:49:40.405 --> 01:49:50.279
- for traffic 30 years from now? And also, the fact is that why should traffic be increasing in Boulder?

01:49:50.279 --> 01:49:57.086
- In what is the city? In Bloomington. Why should traffic be increasing?

01:49:57.890 --> 01:50:04.850
- The reason why traffic increases is because you create places where people have to drive into the city.

01:50:04.850 --> 01:50:11.676
- I mean, is Bloomington going to have many more businesses in the center of town? And if so, shouldn't

01:50:11.676 --> 01:50:18.435
- that be accompanied by more residents in the city? And if that is the case, then you're not going to

01:50:18.435 --> 01:50:24.926
- have the traffic. The concept of projecting out is a very simple-minded one because it's totally

01:50:25.858 --> 01:50:33.932
- doesn't take into account what is actually gonna happen. It's just saying that this is a trend and it

01:50:33.932 --> 01:50:41.928
- continues. A trend continues because what you're doing now is the same as what you're gonna be doing

01:50:41.928 --> 01:50:49.844
- in the future. The second issue is the level of service. In Davis, they say that they have level of

01:50:49.844 --> 01:50:53.406
- service is what engineers always talk about.

01:50:53.954 --> 01:51:02.449
- And you know, level of service goes from A to F. Make it sound like it has something to do with being

01:51:02.449 --> 01:51:11.110
- graded. In Cambridge, the level of service that they are willing to live with in an urban area is much,

01:51:11.110 --> 01:51:19.521
- much lower than in a rural area because they're saying that the implication of trying to accommodate

01:51:19.521 --> 01:51:22.686
- traffic is so severe in an urban area

01:51:22.786 --> 01:51:31.173
- that you need to be willing to live with a lower level of service. Also, the level of service concept

01:51:31.173 --> 01:51:39.560
- doesn't take into account the level of service of the pedestrian. If you widen the road, what is that

01:51:39.560 --> 01:51:47.864
- gonna do to people that are trying to cross the road? Okay, so all of those concepts are not part of

01:51:47.864 --> 01:51:52.222
- the engineer's toolbox yet, but we're working on it.

01:51:58.562 --> 01:52:04.664
- Portland, when I was there, is that they offer free rides on buses in the center city. And I think that

01:52:04.664 --> 01:52:10.648
- is a big incentive to people to ride on public transportation. And I think that those kinds of things

01:52:10.648 --> 01:52:16.573
- could be done in smaller cities too, and it would be an incentive. Yes, I agree. In Portland, I love

01:52:16.573 --> 01:52:22.558
- the name of it. It's called Fairless Zone in the center of the city where you're allowed to ride free

01:52:22.558 --> 01:52:27.838
- on all public transit. I think, I don't know if it's such a, I think the incentive is not

01:52:28.002 --> 01:52:34.514
- that you ride free, the incentive is that you don't have to think about getting into your pocket. Yeah.

01:52:34.514 --> 01:52:40.775
- Exactly, you don't have to deal with that. And it just makes it much more attractive to be there. I

01:52:40.775 --> 01:52:47.287
- think it's a really, really great thing. One of the things, I love the metro in DC, but I hate the fact

01:52:47.287 --> 01:52:53.736
- that you have to get into your pocket, take out the card where you're going in and when you're getting

01:52:53.736 --> 01:52:57.054
- out. I live up on the northwest side of Bloomington.

01:52:57.890 --> 01:53:05.662
- And in Bloomington, that's where we house our old poor people and our welfare mothers with children

01:53:05.662 --> 01:53:13.666
- and our people that are living with AIDS, people that are living with mental retardation, with Habitat

01:53:13.666 --> 01:53:21.438
- for Humanity. In other words, all the programs for the poor are within one neighborhood. And in the

01:53:21.438 --> 01:53:25.246
- 80s, the city came out, the city of Bloomington,

01:53:26.018 --> 01:53:32.397
- came out and they took all our front yards away to build us drag strips in front of our houses. So we

01:53:32.397 --> 01:53:38.775
- have remarkably wide drag strips right now that are in front of our houses in what is potentially the

01:53:38.775 --> 01:53:45.154
- most pedestrian area in town. And I wonder if you could help us with our negotiation with our city so

01:53:45.154 --> 01:53:51.658
- that maybe you have something to offer in terms of the way that people have gone about to be successful

01:53:51.658 --> 01:53:53.534
- in making these negotiations.

01:53:59.874 --> 01:54:09.587
- Well, I would be glad to try, because clearly there is an issue there, and it's not a Bloomington issue,

01:54:09.587 --> 01:54:18.837
- although I'm surprised that, well, maybe I'm not that surprised that Bloomington is in that kind of

01:54:18.837 --> 01:54:21.150
- business of segregation.

01:54:23.202 --> 01:54:30.050
- But you're right, that those are the places that you want people to be connected. Let me go further

01:54:30.050 --> 01:54:36.967
- to say that this same area has no community center, no grocery store, no laundromat. Yeah, yeah. One

01:54:36.967 --> 01:54:43.883
- of my students was looking at the village of Chester, not Chester, Essex in Connecticut, a beautiful

01:54:43.883 --> 01:54:50.526
- village. And the multifamily house is all away from the center of town, the multifamily housing.

01:54:50.722 --> 01:55:01.316
- Of course, they don't want multifamily housing in Essex. I guess it's not an uncommon problem. It's

01:55:01.316 --> 01:55:12.121
- kind of sad, but it's not a transportation problem. It is a problem of equity and dealing with people

01:55:12.121 --> 01:55:17.630
- fairly. Actually, it's sad, but in the Middle West,

01:55:17.858 --> 01:55:26.310
- that seems to be a big issue if you look at places like Detroit and Gary, Indiana, and East St. Louis

01:55:26.310 --> 01:55:34.762
- that I'm a little bit familiar with. Hi. I will point out that actually all the new building for that

01:55:34.762 --> 01:55:43.048
- is on the East side in my neighborhood and middle away houses, but actually another new property to

01:55:43.048 --> 01:55:45.534
- expand surfaces for the poor.

01:55:45.794 --> 01:55:54.115
- and for single moms and stuff. I had a question. I live in a neighborhood that parallels Indiana University.

01:55:54.115 --> 01:56:02.437
- And it's a gorgeous campus, walking campus mostly only. Unfortunately, there's starting with a new expansion

01:56:02.437 --> 01:56:10.147
- of parking garages around the edge of the campus. And I asked them, you know, why don't you put that

01:56:10.147 --> 01:56:15.262
- on 10th Street, which goes through campus or, you know, next year.

01:56:15.394 --> 01:56:22.914
- Buildings they said no, no, no that they're very we don't want any cars in our campus so they're now

01:56:22.914 --> 01:56:30.359
- building a 600 car 600 the other ones 400 that they already built on third, but this one's going to

01:56:30.359 --> 01:56:38.548
- be 600 in the 500s, but Car parking garage along the edge of our neighborhood between IU and the neighborhood

01:56:38.548 --> 01:56:42.494
- and the neighborhood was unhappy about it because we

01:56:42.850 --> 01:56:49.241
- Feel that this increases the traffic. So now there'll be a thousand cars coming to park Along there

01:56:49.241 --> 01:56:55.888
- and it also discourages the the new people that they're building the parking for Which they're building

01:56:55.888 --> 01:57:02.471
- several buildings their science buildings and stuff And they told us that if they didn't build parking

01:57:02.471 --> 01:57:09.438
- places for him that they couldn't get good people to work there So I was wondering, you know if you have any

01:57:10.050 --> 01:57:17.108
- advice for us on that front. They are planning a couple of more around the edge of campus also. There

01:57:17.108 --> 01:57:24.444
- are lots of different response to that one because it's such a short-sighted thing. It sounds like Yukon.

01:57:24.444 --> 01:57:31.710
- That's what it sounds like to me. A few years ago, they did exactly the same. We took traffic out, which

01:57:31.710 --> 01:57:39.045
- everybody thinks is such a wonderful idea. We put the traffic on the edges. Next to the basketball arena,

01:57:39.045 --> 01:57:39.806
- they built

01:57:40.418 --> 01:57:47.506
- a big parking garage in the middle of the campus, so all the traffic has to go on this particular road.

01:57:47.506 --> 01:57:54.457
- But they also built the bookstore. So not only do you have all the traffic have to go on these roads,

01:57:54.457 --> 01:58:01.341
- but all the kids have to cross. And then they decided that it's too congested, so they need to widen

01:58:01.341 --> 01:58:05.566
- the road. But what you're talking about there, again, is this

01:58:05.954 --> 01:58:11.730
- The fact that you're building these garages, what it means is it's separating your neighborhood, and

01:58:11.730 --> 01:58:17.621
- I think this is an important point to make. It's separating your neighborhood from the university, and

01:58:17.621 --> 01:58:23.340
- it means that probably less people are gonna actually walk into the university, so they're probably

01:58:23.340 --> 01:58:28.830
- gonna need a bigger parking garage. I don't know how you deal with such, to me, it's stupidity.

01:58:29.378 --> 01:58:37.304
- Because it costs money to build parking garages. It's also the reason why we are spending $170 million

01:58:37.304 --> 01:58:45.231
- in stores is because we don't have a town. And you have a town, and they're trying to negate the town.

01:58:45.231 --> 01:58:53.234
- And I really don't understand that. I mean, if you want good people, what you want is a quality of life

01:58:53.234 --> 01:58:59.006
- that comes with a town like this. And it's puzzling. It really is strange.

01:59:00.130 --> 01:59:07.611
- But I think there are some economic arguments that they can use, that you can use their arguments. The

01:59:07.611 --> 01:59:14.874
- cost of each parking space is something like $25,000. So if you look into the economics of it, that

01:59:14.874 --> 01:59:22.210
- might be a way to have some traction with them. And you can look at what people say about university

01:59:22.210 --> 01:59:29.982
- towns and what they want in university towns. And they're not gonna come here if they continue to degrade.

01:59:30.626 --> 01:59:36.567
- The town so I think those are arguments that might have traction It certainly took a while for you can't

01:59:36.567 --> 01:59:42.337
- realize that this was the case I remember trying to talk to a provost about this and he was very very

01:59:42.337 --> 01:59:48.108
- dismissive Well, that's not the only problem we have here is for parking garages the city is planning

01:59:48.108 --> 01:59:53.766
- on bill or wants to build an parking garage right on Kirkwood and Although there's been two studies

01:59:53.766 --> 01:59:58.462
- showing that we really don't need those that parking garage. They insist that that

01:59:58.594 --> 02:00:06.784
- one of our businesses will move away if they don't have parking for their employees. And I think this

02:00:06.784 --> 02:00:14.975
- is something that we really need to get on and make sure that the city doesn't think about even doing

02:00:14.975 --> 02:00:23.085
- that. Because if a business is reliant on a parking garage, it seems to me we don't really need that

02:00:23.085 --> 02:00:27.742
- business. I mean, the places like Cambridge, they realize

02:00:27.874 --> 02:00:35.768
- Andres Duane, I sometimes get tired of calling that man's name, but he's so inspirational in some ways.

02:00:35.768 --> 02:00:43.585
- And one of the things he says is that we behave as if we are beggars. And we don't value what we have.

02:00:43.585 --> 02:00:51.403
- And that's probably true in some places that are beggars, but even towns that are beggars, they're not

02:00:51.403 --> 02:00:55.198
- doing themselves any favor by going to the lowest

02:00:55.394 --> 02:01:03.067
- common denominator, and Bloomington, the quality of life and the type of place, there's no reason why

02:01:03.067 --> 02:01:10.665
- this city should be a beggar city, okay, of all the cities in the state, so to have that perspective

02:01:10.665 --> 02:01:18.489
- that it's ridiculous. Where are they moving to? Pfizer wanted to build, we have this drumlin, beautiful

02:01:18.489 --> 02:01:23.454
- drumlin, which a lot of people consider very spiritual in stores,

02:01:23.810 --> 02:01:30.869
- And Pfizer wants to build a world-class research facility there. And people were like, no, you're not

02:01:30.869 --> 02:01:37.513
- going to do this. They wanted a world-class center. And you know where they ended up moving to?

02:01:37.513 --> 02:01:44.434
- Terre Haute. The world-class center in Terre Haute, Indiana. This is not a beggar town. You should,

02:01:44.434 --> 02:01:52.254
- I mean, you have to get through that to your politicians. That you can do better, and you can get what you want.

02:01:54.210 --> 02:02:07.314
- Thank you very much for coming. We have a few final remarks, but let's give this guy a hand. I want

02:02:07.314 --> 02:02:18.846
- you all to know that I did not tell him anything to say about parking lots or anything.

02:02:21.506 --> 02:02:28.827
- Thank you so much for coming. Thank you, Dr. Garrick, for that very interesting presentation. I learned

02:02:28.827 --> 02:02:36.006
- a whole lot. And I want to mention again, thanks to our sponsors for helping us to put this on. Tabor

02:02:36.006 --> 02:02:43.257
- Bruce Architecture and Design, Olympus Properties, and the Courtyard by Marriott. We really appreciate

02:02:43.257 --> 02:02:51.070
- their support. I also want to thank the City of Bloomington for allowing us to use this space again. We really

02:02:51.458 --> 02:02:58.509
- Appreciate that so much. Thank you. And if you want to keep up with our speakers or other events, please

02:02:58.509 --> 02:03:04.688
- put your name and contact info, email usually, on the sign up sheet on the table out there.

02:03:04.688 --> 02:03:11.605
- Don't be worried, we're a very low traffic site. You might get one or two emails a month. So thank you

02:03:11.605 --> 02:03:17.246
- so much everybody for coming and we'll look forward to more speakers in the future.